negative impacts of tourism on culture and society

13 Social impacts of tourism + explanations + examples

Understanding the social impacts of tourism is vital to ensuring the sustainable management of the tourism industry. There are positive social impacts of tourism, demonstrating benefits to both the local community and the tourists. There are also negative social impacts of tourism.

In this article I will explain what the most common social impacts of tourism are and how these are best managed. At the end of the post I have also included a handy reading list for anybody studying travel and tourism or for those who are interested in learning more about travel and tourism management.

The social impacts of tourism

Preserving local culture, strengthening communities, provision of social services, commercialisation of culture and art, revitalisation of culture and art, preservation of heritage, social change, globalisation and the destruction of preservation and heritage, loss of authenticity , standardisation and commercialisation, culture clashes, tourist-host relationships, increase in crime, gambling and moral behaviour, social impacts of tourism: conclusion, social impacts of tourism- further reading.

Firstly, we need to understand what is meant by the term ‘social impacts of tourism’. I have covered this in my YouTube video below!

To put it simply, social impacts of tourism are; 

“The effects on host communities of direct and indirect relations with tourists , and of interaction with the tourism industry”

This is also often referred to as socio-cultural impacts.

Tourism is, at its core, an interactive service. This means that host-guest interaction is inevitable. This can have significant social/socio-cultural impacts.

These social impacts can be seen as benefits or costs (good or bad). I will explain these below.

Positive social impacts of tourism

There are many social benefits of tourism, demonstrating positive social impacts. These might include; preserving the local culture and heritage; strengthening communities; provision of social services; commercialisation of culture and art; revitalisation of customs and art forms and the preservation of heritage.

It is the local culture that the tourists are often coming to visit.

Tourists visit Beijing to learn more about the Chinese Dynasties. Tourists visit Thailand to taste authentic Thai food. Tourists travel to Brazil to go to the Rio Carnival, to mention a few…

Many destinations will make a conserved effort to preserve and protect the local culture. This often contributes to the conservation and sustainable management of natural resources, the protection of local heritage, and a renaissance of indigenous cultures, cultural arts and crafts.

In one way, this is great! Cultures are preserved and protected and globalisation is limited. BUT, I can’t help but wonder if this is always natural? We don’t walk around in Victorian corsets or smoke pipes anymore…

Our social settings have changed immensely over the years. And this is a normal part of evolution! So is it right that we should try to preserve the culture of an area for the purposes of tourism? Or should we let them grow and change, just as we do? Something to ponder on I guess…

Tourism can be a catalyst for strengthening a local community.

Events and festivals of which local residents have been the primary participants and spectators are often rejuvenated and developed in response to tourist interest. I certainly felt this was the way when I went to the Running of the Bulls festival in Pamplona, Spain. The community atmosphere and vibe were just fantastic!

The jobs created by tourism can also be a great boost for the local community. Aside from the economic impacts created by enhanced employment prospects, people with jobs are happier and more social than those without a disposable income.

Local people can also increase their influence on tourism development, as well as improve their job and earnings prospects, through tourism-related professional training and development of business and organisational skills.

Read also: Economic leakage in tourism explained

The tourism industry requires many facilities/ infrastructure to meet the needs of the tourist. This often means that many developments in an area as a result of tourism will be available for use by the locals also.

Local people often gained new roads, new sewage systems, new playgrounds, bus services etc as a result of tourism. This can provide a great boost to their quality of life and is a great example of a positive social impact of tourism.

Tourism can see rise to many commercial business, which can be a positive social impact of tourism. This helps to enhance the community spirit as people tend to have more disposable income as a result.

These businesses may also promote the local cultures and arts. Museums, shows and galleries are fantastic way to showcase the local customs and traditions of a destination. This can help to promote/ preserve local traditions.

Some destinations will encourage local cultures and arts to be revitalised. This may be in the form of museum exhibitions, in the way that restaurants and shops are decorated and in the entertainment on offer, for example.

This may help promote traditions that may have become distant.

Many tourists will visit the destination especially to see its local heritage. It is for this reason that many destinations will make every effort to preserve its heritage.

This could include putting restrictions in place or limiting tourist numbers, if necessary. This is often an example of careful tourism planning  and sustainable tourism management.

This text by Hyung You Park explains the principles of heritage tourism in more detail.

Negative social impacts of tourism

Unfortunately, there are a large number of socio-cultural costs on the host communities. These negative social impacts include; social change; changing values; increased crime and gambling; changes in moral behaviour; changes in family structure and roles; problems with the tourist-host relationship and the destruction of heritage.

Social change is basically referring to changes in the way that society acts or behaves. Unfortunately, there are many changes that come about as a result of tourism that are not desirable.

There are many examples throughout the world where local populations have changed because of tourism.

Perhaps they have changed the way that they speak or the way that they dress. Perhaps they have been introduced to alcohol through the tourism industry or they have become resentful of rich tourists and turned to crime. These are just a few examples of the negative social impacts of tourism.

Read also: Business tourism explained: What, why and where

Globalisation is the way in which the world is becoming increasingly connected. We are losing our individuality and gaining a sense of ‘global being’, whereby we are more and more alike than ever before.

Globalisation is inevitable in the tourism industry because of the interaction between tourists and hosts, which typically come from different geographic and cultural backgrounds. It is this interaction that encourage us to become more alike.

Here are some examples:

• When I went on the Jungle Book tour on my travels through Goa, the tourists were giving the Goan children who lived in the area sweets. These children would never have eaten such sweets should they not have come into contact with the tourists.
• When I travelled to The Gambia I met a local worker (known as a ‘ bumster ‘) who was wearing a Manchester United football top. When I asked him about it he told me that he was given the top by a tourist who visited last year. If it was not for said tourist, he would not have this top.
• In Thailand , many workers have exchanged their traditional work of plowing the fields to work in the cities, in the tourism industry. They have learnt to speak English and to eat Western food. If it were not for the tourists they would have a different line of work, they would not speak English and they would not choose to eat burger and chips for their dinner!

Many people believe globalisation to be a bad thing. BUT, there are also some positives. Think about this…

Do you want an ‘authentic’ squat toilet in your hotel bathroom or would you rather use a Western toilet? Are you happy to eat rice and curry for breakfast as the locals would do or do you want your cornflakes? Do you want to struggle to get by when you don’t speak the local language or are you pleased to find somebody who speaks English?

When we travel, most tourists do want a sense of ‘familiar’. And globalisation helps us to get that!

You can learn more about globalisation in this post- What is globalisation? A simple explanation .

Along similar lines to globalisation is the loss of authenticity that often results from tourism.

Authenticity is essentially something that is original or unchanged. It is not fake or reproduced in any way.

The Western world believe that a tourist destination is no longer authentic when their cultural values and traditions change. But I would argue is this not natural? Is culture suppose to stay the same or it suppose to evolve throughout each generation? 

Take a look at the likes of the long neck tribe in Thailand or the Maasai Tribe in Africa. These are two examples of cultures which have remained ‘unchanged’ for the sole purpose of tourism. They appear not to have changed the way that they dress, they way that they speak or the way that they act in generations, all for the purpose of tourism.

To me, however, this begs the question- is it actually authentic? In fact, is this not the exact example of what is not authentic? The rest of the world have modern electricity and iPhones, they watch TV and buy their clothes in the nearest shopping mall. But because tourists want an ‘authentic’ experience, these people have not moved on with the rest of the world, but instead have remained the same.

I think there is also an ethical discussion to be had here, but I’ll leave that for another day…

You can learn more about what is authenticity in tourism here or see some examples of staged authenticity in this post.

Read also: Environmental impacts of tourism

Similarly, destinations risk standardisation in the process of satisfying tourists’ desires for familiar facilities and experiences.

While landscape, accommodation, food and drinks, etc., must meet the tourists’ desire for the new and unfamiliar, they must at the same time not be too new or strange because few tourists are actually looking for completely new things (think again about the toilet example I have previously).

Tourists often look for recognisable facilities in an unfamiliar environment, like well-known fast-food restaurants and hotel chains. Tourist like some things to be standardised (the toilet, their breakfast, their drinks, the language spoken etc), but others to be different (dinner options, music, weather, tourist attractions etc).

Do we want everything to become ‘standardised’ though? I know I miss seeing the little independent shops that used to fill the high streets in the UK. Now it’s all chains and multinational corporations. Sure, I like Starbucks (my mug collection is coming on quite nicely!), but I also love the way that there are no Starbucks in Italy. There’s something great about trying out a traditional, yet unfamiliar coffee shop, or any independant place for that matter.

I personally think that tourism industry stakeholders should proceed with caution when it comes to ‘standardisation’. Sure, give the tourists that sense of familiar that they are looking for. But don’t dilute the culture and traditions of the destination that they are coming to visit, because if it feels too much like home….. well, maybe they will just stay at home next time? Just a little something to think about…

On a less philosophical note, another of the negative social impacts of tourism is that it can have significant consequences is culture clashes.

Because tourism involves movement of people to different geographical locations cultural clashes can take place as a result of differences in cultures, ethnic and religious groups, values, lifestyles, languages and levels of prosperity.

The attitude of local residents towards tourism development may unfold through the stages of euphoria, where visitors are very welcome, through apathy, irritation and potentially antagonism when anti-tourist attitudes begin to grow among local people. This is represented in Doxey’s Irritation Index, as shown below.

Culture clashes can also be exasperated by the fundamental differences in culture between the hosts and the tourists.

There is likely to be economic inequality between locals and tourists who are spending more than they usually do at home. This can cause resentment from the hosts towards the tourists, particularly when they see them wearing expensive jewellery or using plush cameras etc that they know they can’t afford themselves.

Further to this, tourists often, out of ignorance or carelessness, fail to respect local customs and moral values. 

Think about it. Is it right to go topless on a beach if within the local culture it is unacceptable to show even your shoulders?

There are many examples of ways that tourists offend the local population , often unintentionally. Did you know that you should never put your back to a Buddha? Or show the sole of your feet to a Thai person? Or show romantic affection in public in the Middle East?

A little education in this respect could go a long way, but unfortunately, many travellers are completely unaware of the negative social impacts that their actions may have.

The last of the social impacts of tourism that I will discuss is crime, gambling and moral behaviour. Crime rates typically increase with the growth and urbanisation of an area and the growth of mass tourism is often accompanied by increased crime.

The presence of a large number of tourists with a lot of money to spend and often carrying valuables such as cameras and jewellery increases the attraction for criminals and brings with it activities like robbery and drug dealing.

Although tourism is not the cause of sexual exploitation, it provides easy access to it e.g. prostitution and sex tourism . Therefore, tourism can contribute to rises in the numbers of sex workers in a given area. I have seen this myself in many places including The Gambia and Thailand .

Lastly, gambling is a common occurrence as a result of tourism. Growth of casinos and other gambling facilities can encourage not only the tourists to part with their cash, but also the local population .

As I have demonstrated in this post, there are many social impacts of tourism. Whilst some impacts are positive, most unfortunately are negative impacts.

Hopefully this post on the social impacts of tourism has helped you to think carefully about the impacts that your actions may have on the local community that you are visiting. I also hope that it has encouraged some deeper thinking with regards to issues such as globalisation, authenticity and standardisation.

If you are interested in learning more about topics such as this subscribe to my newsletter ! I send out travel tips, discount coupons and some material designed to get you thinking about the wider impacts of the tourism industry (like this post)- perfect for any tourism student or keen traveller!

As you can see, the social impacts of tourism are an important consideration for all industry stakeholders. Do you have any comments on the social impacts of tourism? Leave your comments below.

If you enjoyed this article on the social impacts of tourism, I am sure that you will love these too-

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Overtourism Effects: Positive and Negative Impacts for Sustainable Development

• Living reference work entry
• First Online: 02 October 2020
• Cite this living reference work entry

• Ivana Damnjanović 7  

Part of the book series: Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals ((ENUNSDG))

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Responsible tourism ; Tourism overcrowding ; Tourism-phobia ; Tourist-phobia

Definitions

Tourism today is paradoxically dominated by two opposite aspects: its sustainable character and overtourism. Since its creation by Skift in 2016 (Ali 2016 ), the term “overtourism” has been a buzzword in media and academic circles, although it may only be a new word for a problem discussed over the past three decades.

Overtourism is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon destructive to tourism resources and harmful to destination communities’ well-being through overcrowding and overuse (Center for Responsible Travel 2018 ; International Ecotourism Society 2019 ) as certain locations at times cannot withstand physical, ecological, social, economic, psychological, and/or political pressures of tourism (Peeters et al. 2018 ). Overtourism is predominantly a problem producing deteriorated quality of life of local communities (Responsible Tourism n.d. ; The International Ecotourism Society 2019 ; UNWTO 2018...

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Damnjanović, I. (2020). Overtourism Effects: Positive and Negative Impacts for Sustainable Development. In: Leal Filho, W., Azul, A.M., Brandli, L., Lange Salvia, A., Wall, T. (eds) Industry, Innovation and Infrastructure. Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71059-4_112-1

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Understanding and overcoming negative impacts of tourism in city destinations: conceptual model and strategic framework

Journal of Tourism Futures

ISSN : 2055-5911

Article publication date: 15 November 2017

Issue publication date: 15 December 2017

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the mechanisms of conflict between residents and tourists and to propose a conceptual model to assess the impact of such conflicts on city tourism and to suggest a framework to develop strategies to deal with such conflicts and mitigate negative impacts.

Design/methodology/approach

Based on desk research a conceptual model was developed which describes the drivers of conflicts between residents and visitors. Building blocks of the model are visitors and their attributes, residents and their attributes, conflict mechanisms and critical encounters between residents and visitors, and indicators of the quality and quantity of tourist facilities. Subsequently the model was used to analyse the situation in Hamburg. For this analysis concentration values were calculated based on supply data of hotels and AirBnB, app-data, and expert consultations.

The study shows that in Hamburg there are two key mechanisms that stimulate conflicts: (1) the number of tourists in relation to the number of residents and its distribution in time and space; (2) the behaviour of visitors measured in the norms that they pose onto themselves and others (indecent behaviour of tourists).

Research limitations/implications

The model that was developed is a conceptual model, not a model with which hypotheses can be tested statistically. Refinement of the model needs further study.

Practical implications

Based on the outcomes of the study concrete strategies were proposed with which Hamburg could manage and control the balance of tourism.

Originality/value

City tourism has been growing in the last decades, in some cases dramatically. As a consequence, conflicts between tourists, tourism suppliers and inhabitants can occur. The rise of the so-called sharing economy has recently added an additional facet to the discussion. The ability to assess and deal with such conflicts is of importance for the way city tourism can develop in the future. This study is an attempt to contribute to the understanding of the mechanism behind and the nature of those conflicts, and the way they can be managed and controlled. Besides it illustrates how data generated by social media (apps) can be used for such purposes.

• City tourism

Conflict mechanisms

• Host-guest relations
• Overtourism
• Tourism impact studies
• Visitor management

Postma, A. and Schmuecker, D. (2017), "Understanding and overcoming negative impacts of tourism in city destinations: conceptual model and strategic framework", Journal of Tourism Futures , Vol. 3 No. 2, pp. 144-156. https://doi.org/10.1108/JTF-04-2017-0022

Emerald Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2017, Albert Postma Dirk Schmuecker

Published in the Journal of Tourism Futures. Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode

Introduction

Tourism is subject to massive growth. Projections made by the World Tourism Organisation anticipate a growth to 1.8 billion international arrivals worldwide till 2030. Based on its World Tourism Monitor, IPK states that city tourism is the fastest growing market segment in tourism ( IPK International, 2016 ). The direct and indirect effects of this increase in visitor numbers seem to cause an increase in annoyance among residents, which could lead to conflicts between tourists, tourism suppliers and inhabitants. The rise of the so-called sharing economy has recently added an additional facet to the discussion. During the past few years various media have reported on incidents, residents protests and the like. However, the humming-up of media may occasionally obscure the difference between actual conflicts perceived in the population and what interested actors in the media make of it. Here, only a careful analysis of the actual situation would help. On the other hand, such conflicts and the discussion about it are neither new nor limited to large cities. Yet, the focus of the discussion has shifted over the last decades: from tourism to developing countries, residents of villages in the Alps which have found themselves into ski-circuses, or greenlanders suffering from the rush of cruise ships. Recently, the discussion has shifted to where a large proportion of tourists go: from and to the European cities. Data from the German Reiseanalyse, an annual survey on holiday travel in Germany ( Schmücker et al. , 2016 ), suggest that in 2014, 31 per cent of the population and 33 per cent of German holiday makers were at home in cities with more than 100,000 inhabitants. In the cities, holiday travel is more than 80 per cent higher than in the countryside.

Tourism generates income and employment for cities, and thanks to tourism the liveliness and liveability in cities is boosted because many shops, services and facilities would not exist without that additional customer base. However, with an eye on the (social) sustainability of city tourism development, it is important to understand whether and how residents’ annoyance comes about and with which measures residents’ attitude could be kept within the margins of their tolerance level. Postma (2013) studied residents’ experiences with tourism in four tourism destinations. He identified three categories of so called “critical encounters”, four levels of annoyance, four levels on tolerance, and three levels of loyalty towards tourism development. The European Tourism Futures Research Network did a pilot study in Riga, Berlin and Amsterdam to investigate the applicability of Postma’s outcomes in an urban context. When this proved valid, the approach was used by the Dutch Centre of Expertise in Leisure, Tourism and Hospitality (CELTH) in a European study on visitor pressure in the city centres of Copenhagen, Berlin, Munich, Amsterdam, Barcelona and Lisbon. A second phase of this study just started in the Flemish cities of art (Antwerp, Bruges, Ghent, Leuven and Mechelen), Tallin and Salzburg. In this study residents were consulted to identify critical encounters and the support for various kinds of strategies to deal with it. Finally, NIT and ETFI conducted a study in Hamburg addressing these issues in 2015/2016.

The domain of tourism impact studies

The study presented here is an example of a tourism impact study. The domain of tourism impact studies has evolved since the second world war, echoing the development of tourism, its characteristics and its perception. During the first phase (1960-1970) the emphasis of tourism impact studies was on the positive economic impacts of tourism. Tourism was mainly seen as a means to strengthen economies. In the 1970s and 1980s, the focus gradually shifted to the negative social, cultural and environmental impacts. This reflected the growing concern of industrialisation, sustainability and quality of life. Ultimately in the 1980s and 1990s the interest of tourism impact studies moved to integrating the economic perspective with the social and environmental one. Tourism had continued to grow, had become more diffuse, and had become more interconnected with societies and economies. The divide in tourism impact studies between economic and social and environmental perspectives, and the emphasis on tourism and destinations as two different worlds impacting upon each other (nicely illustrated in binary terminology such as host and guest) gradually moved to a growing interest into the multidimensional relation between tourism and communities; the process by which tourism is shaped by the interactions between, tourism, host environments, economy and societies; and the meaning of tourism for society ( Postma, 2013 ; Pizam, 1978 ; Jafari, 1990, 2005, 2007 ; Butler, 2004 ; Hudson and Lowe, 2004 ; Ateljevic, 2000 ; Crouch, 1999, 2011 ; Williams, 2009 ; Sherlock, 2001 ). This so called cultural turn in tourism impact studies ( Milne and Ateljevic, 2001 ) opened the door to new research areas raising attention on themes and issues that were largely overlooked or marginalised before ( Causevic and Lynch, 2009 ), for instance, “the multiple readings of local residents while working, living, playing or, in other words, consuming and producing their localities through encounter with tourism” ( Ateljevic, 2000 , pp. 381-382).

According to Deery et al. (2012) , tourism impact studies have grown into a massive and mature field of study covering a wide spectrum of economic, social and environmental dimensions. However, Williams asserts that there is still a lack of understanding of the relationship between tourism and destination communities, both because the number of empirical studies, inconclusive or conflicting results of empirical studies, and a contested conceptual basis ( Williams, 2009 ). Postma (2013) confirms that mainstream tourism impact literature does not offer useful theoretical frameworks for tourism impact studies that focus on the tourism community relations.

Sustainable tourism

Although the notion of sustainable development has led to considerable debate since its introduction which in part is due to its vagueness for concrete action, it is incorporated as an important starting point in contemporary policy and planning worldwide. This also applies to tourism, where the basic ideas of sustainable development were gradually translated into the concept of sustainable tourism development. The first ideas were introduced by Krippendorf (1984) , and they were elaborated in the Brundtland report ( World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987 ) and the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. The ideas presented in the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development and in Agenda 21 guided the World Conference on Sustainable Tourism in Lanzarote in 1995, where the core principles were established ( France, 1997 ; Martin, 1995 ). In line with sustainable development, sustainable tourism development tries to establish a suitable balance between economic, environmental and social aspects of tourism development to guarantee its long-term sustainability ( World Tourism Organisation, 2004 ). The World Tourism Organisation’s core principles of sustainable tourism development are: to improve the quality of life of the host community; to provide high quality experience for visitors; and to maintain the quality of the environment, on which both the host community and the visitors depend ( Mill and Morrison, 2002 ).

Sustainable development and sustainable tourism development do not aim at prosperity and material gains but primarily at well-being and quality of life ( Postma, 2001, 2003 ; Postma and Schilder, 2007 ; Jackson, 1989 ; Burns, 1999 ). In this view residents should be both the starting point and the checkpoint for tourism policy and planning. As the negative perception of tourism affects the way in which residents perceive their quality of community life ( Kim, 2002 ), the long-term sustainability of tourism might be negatively affected by any impacts from tourism causing irritation, annoyance, or anger among local residents. The threshold level at which enthusiasm and support for tourism turns into irritation could be regarded as an indicator of the edge of sustainable development. Therefore, sustainable tourism development requires both greater efforts to incorporate the input of residents in the planning process both in communities exposed to tourism for the first time and in established destinations experiencing increased volumes of tourists ( Burns and Holden, 1997 ; Harrill, 2004 ), as well as to studying host community attitudes and the antecedents of residents’ reactions ( Zhang et al. , 2006 ). As Haywood (1988) states: “Local governments should be more responsible to the local citizens whose lives and communities may be affected by tourism in all its positive and negative manifestations” (in Burns and Holden, 1997 ).

Thus, understanding current and potential conflicts between residents and tourists is an integral part of the sustainable tourism debate. By definition, sustainable tourism development does have an ecological, economic and social dimension. It may be argued that the inclusion of the needs of the inhabitants stimulates the traditional understanding of a tourism market between buyers and sellers: while consumers look for tourism experiences and providers look for business opportunities, the claims of residents are more extensively focussed on an adequate quality of life ( Postma, 2003 ). The larger the interfaces between these three stakeholder groups, the more conflict-free tourism will be able to develop ( Figure 1 ).

For (city) tourism, it seems advisable to define the concept of sustainability in a broad and comprehensive way. Sustainable tourism thus entails “acceptance by the population”, and the population is clearly a part of the social dimension. The participation of the population and securing/increasing the acceptance of tourism is therefore also one of the objectives for Hamburg’s sustainable tourism development. To develop tourism in a sustainable way, in Hamburg as in other cities, the challenge is to bring the quality of life demands of the inhabitants (social dimension) and the quality-of-opportunity requirements of the providers (economic dimension) as far as possible into line.

The case of Hamburg

The aim of this viewpoint paper is to contribute to the conceptualisation of tourism community relations and to clarify the mechanisms of conflict between residents and tourists and to propose a conceptual model to assess the impact of such conflicts on city tourism and to suggest a framework to develop strategies to deal with such conflicts and mitigate negative impacts. This model was developed for a study in Hamburg that addressed the balanced and sustainable growth of tourism in the city. Hamburg is one of the most popular city destinations in Germany. The city, located in the north of the country, is faced with a gradual increase of visitor numbers, especially during the past few years. Internal papers of Hamburg’s Destination Management Organisation, Hamburg Tourismus ( HHT, 2015 ), show that between 2001 and 2015, the number of overnight stays in Hamburg increased with over 150 per cent, which is more than, for example, Barcelona (+112 per cent), Venice (+120 per cent), Amsterdam (+54 per cent) and Berlin (+153 per cent). Although the negative implications of tourism are not as visible as in some other European cities, critiques are getting louder in selected parts of the city, as shown by a regular resident monitoring implemented by HHT. Strategies to distribute tourism flows in time and space could help to prevent or to counteract. The study, commissioned by HHT, is an attempt to contribute to the understanding of the mechanisms behind and the nature of possible conflicts between tourists, tourism suppliers and residents and the way they can be managed and controlled, for example, by making use of data generated by social media. Based on desk research, a conceptual model was developed which describes the drivers of conflict between residents and visitors. Building blocks of the model are visitors and their attributes, residents and their attributes, conflict mechanisms and areas of conflict between both parties, and indicators of quality and quantity of tourist facilities. Subsequently the model was used to analyse the situation in Hamburg.

Conflict drivers and irritation factors

To develop a better understanding of the mechanism of conflict between tourists, tourism suppliers and residents, desk research was conducted into potential areas of conflict between locals and tourists, which factors would characterize particularly vulnerable residents and particularly disturbing locals, and what would be strategic options to manage and control the (occurrence) of such conflicts.

There is danger that for a focus on only negative aspects in the interaction between tourists and locals would cause bias. Therefore, it should be stressed that – for the destination – tourism is not an end in itself, but primarily an economic and, second, a social potential. Economically, tourism usually has positive effects for the inhabitants, mainly through the money flowing in from the outside, which tourists spend in the city and for the city. This money leads to tourist turnover, which is reflected in income. This income can be in the form of salaries, income from self-employment, company profits, or from the leasing or sale of land, buildings or flats. Indirectly, tourism revenues also contribute to the creation and maintenance of infrastructures and (tourist) offers which can also be used by residents. This applies to most cultural institutions (from the opera to the zoo), but also for public transport offers, gastronomy, etc. Socially, tourism can lead to desirable effects in the destination as well. This includes the (simple) encounter with others (provided they are “encounters on eye”), a general stimulation and a social enrichment and liveliness of the city.

It is especially in the economic dimension, where the dilemma to which involvement with tourism could sometimes lead, becomes clear. If an apartment is rented as a holiday home rather than as a permanent living space, because the landlord will get a higher income (in some cases at lower costs and lower risk), this is undoubtedly disadvantageous for the regular tenants and land-lords of houses undoubtedly advantageous. An assessment of this dilemma is therefore not only possible based on (short-term) economic considerations, but must consider long-term and non-economic aspects. The understanding of such balancing processes and the existence of potentially positive and negative effects of tourism is fundamental to the overall further consideration.

The study of the interaction between tourists and the residents of the destination has already shown a longer academic tradition (see Harrill, 2004 ; Zhang et al. , 2006 ; Andereck et al. , 2005 ; Vargas-Sánchez et al. , 2008 ). However, Postma notes: “A review of the literature concerning residents’ attitude toward tourism revealed an absence of research exploring factors that specifically contribute or cause irritation development, with the exception of Doxey’s (1975) article and the authors who quote him or elaborated and described his model in more detail, such as Murphy (1985) , Fridgen (1991) , Ryan (1991) , Matthieson and Wall (1982) , Wall and Mathieson (2006) , Vanderwerf (2008) and Milligan (1989) . Based on empirical investigations he designed an irritation index, describing four stages in the development of irritation: euphoria, apathy, annoyance, and antagonism. The model of this “irridex” describes the changing attitude of residents ensuing from reciprocal impacts between tourists and residents and varying degrees of compatibility between the residents and outsiders. According to Doxey (1975) irritation differs from person to person: it is affected by various personal characteristics and various characteristics of the tourist destination.

Much literature is devoted to investigating the positive and negative impacts of tourism. Rátz and Puczkó (2002) have summarised these impacts. This overview indicates that irritation might develop along four dimensions: population impacts, transformation of the labour market, changes in community characteristics and community structure, impacts at the individual and family level, and impacts on the natural and cultural resources ( Postma, 2013 , p. 25) lists the socio-cultural impacts of tourism, which is the focus of this study.

Model construction

The results of the desk research were put together in a conceptual framework to conceptualise the complex issue under study, that has largely been unexplored in this way so far. The model helps to identify and visualise possible irritation points on the part of the inhabitants and their (possibly disturbing) interaction with visitors. Just like other models, this conceptual model is a schematic abstraction of reality. It takes individual, relevant aspects into account, while other aspects might be neglected. The intention is not to be complete, but to visualise reality and identify relevant issues. So, the model presented here is abstract and descriptive. It is not a scientific structure or measurement model from which statistical hypotheses can be derived, but rather a “thinking structure” for further investigation.

The overview of positive and negative possible effects of tourism on the social dimension of tourism by Rátz and Puczkó (2002) is a first starting point for the modelling process. A second starting point is the Tourist Destination Model as developed by NIT, which has been evolved throughout many years ( Schmücker, 2011 ). Further starting points for the modelling process were reports and survey results from cities in which there have already been clearly observed annoyances among the local population because of tourism. A particularly prominent example is Barcelona (even a film was recorded), but also cities like Venice, Vienna, Amsterdam or Berlin are not only reported in the local, national and international press.

For the elaboration of a conceptual model, it is first necessary to clarify which content should be taken into account. First, the key actors: tourists and their characteristics, and residents and their characteristics. Second, attributes of the tourist product because their quantity and quality of the tourism opportunity spectrum are the prerequisite for tourists to visit the city at all. This includes both the specific tourist offer (hotel industry, semi-professional, private and sharing offers, MICE offers) as well as the offers which are aimed at both tourists and locals (cultural offers, gastronomy, mobility, etc.).

With these building blocks, the essential conflict mechanisms and concrete fields of conflict can be described, as well as strategic courses of action against the objectives of sustainable tourism development. The model is displayed in Figure 2 .

The model shows the interaction between local residents and tourists, its conditions and consequences. Conditioned by the attributes of both parties, and of conflict mechanisms between the two (sensitivity to) areas of conflict do arise. The model helps to understand how this process works. Based on intensive data collection and data analysis the model was applied in Hamburg to make an analysis of the distribution in time and space of overnight stay accommodation, events and visitor flows, the annoyance tourism caused among local residents, and the strategies that could be taken to manage tourism flows in a sustainable way. In the following sections the components of the model will be described in detail.

Relevant characteristics of tourists

“Adaptivity”: the ability of tourists to adapt to the people in the destination and their habits. “Adaptive” behaviour can be divided into general and specific. General adaptive behaviour is at work in many cultures, for example, general friendliness and restraint. Specific adaptive behaviour can include behaviour accepted by some cultures, but by others (e.g. preparing food in the hotel room or visiting sacred buildings with/without head cover). The larger the cultural distance between the locals and the tourists, the greater their adaptiveness should be to avoid conflicts.

“Tourism culture”: it seems plausible to attribute a greater potential for irritation to tourists with certain behaviours, travel situations or group sizes than others. In particular tourist trips that are mainly aimed at enjoyment in the city. Eye-catching examples can be actions such as bachelor parties, visits to sporting events and the like. In connection with conspicuous behaviour (e.g. shouting, drinking, etc.) the irritation potential increases significantly. This behaviour is often different from home. “[It] can be labelled as a tourist culture, a subset of behavioural patterns and values that tend to emerge only when the visitors are travelling but which, when viewed by local people in receiving areas, project a false and misleading image of the visitors and the societies they represent” ( Postma, 2013 , p. 144). Group size belongs to the same category: it can be assumed that tourists coming in (large) groups, tend to generate irritation easier than individual tourists.

Other demographic, socio-cultural and personal characteristics: of course there are other characteristics of tourists that could cause irritation or annoyance. However, it seems plausible to consider, for example, purely demographic attributes (such as age, gender, household type and size) as background variables rather than primary features in the model. The same applies to other attributes that contribute to the adaptivity, to socio-cultural attributes (nationality, ethnicity, language, attitude to women), to socio-economic attributes (such as income and consumption patterns) and to the regional origin of the visitors. Regardless of the adaptivity, the regional origin can be a relevant driver of irritation. Even if tourists behave in a very friendly and reserved manner, their appearance may be irritating some inhabitants due to specific characteristics (such as skin colour, language/dialect or clothing). Even if there is no objective cause for complaint, strangeness as such can cause irritation.

It is important to emphasise that these background variables are not directly affecting behaviour in a direct way. Stephen Williams (2009 , p. 144) comments: “The behaviour patterns of visitors often divert from their socio-cultural norms and do not accurately represent the host societies from which they originate, with conspicuous increases in levels of expenditure and consumption, or adoption of activities that might be on the margins pf social acceptability at home (e.g. drinking, overeating, gambling, atypical dress codes, nudity, semi nudity)”.

Relevant characteristics of inhabitants

On the part of the inhabitants, a fairly large number of potential attributes can be identified in the literature which could influence their attitude towards the tourists.

demographic characteristics: gender, age, education;

socio-economic characteristics: employment and income situation, housing situation (place of residence, duration of residence, property/rented), personal relationship to the city/district, attitude to economic growth;

socio-psychological and socio-cultural characteristics: orientation (new vs traditional) and lifestyle, origin (born and raised or migrant, born in city or country), personality traits such as self-image and group identity; and

tourism-specific characteristics: knowledge about tourism and its effects, income dependence from tourism, spatial distance to tourist hotspots and actual contacts with tourists, involvement in decisions about tourism development.

Harrill (2004) , Zhang et al. (2006) , Andereck et al. (2005) , Vargas-Sánchez et al. (2008) , Faulkner and Tideswell (1997) .

Investigations into residents’ perceptions of tourism have been approached from several perspectives: the balance between positive and negative perceived impacts (social exchange theory), the shared social representations of tourism with other community members (social representations theory; Moscovici, 1981, 1983, 1984, 1988 ), the speed and intensity of tourism growth, especially in the early phases of tourism development (social disruption theory; England and Albrecht, 1984 ; Kang, Long and Perdue, 1996 ) and increasing investments and associated commodification and destruction of the landscape and idyll (theory of creative destruction ( Mitchell, 1998 )).

“Cultural Distance” as a collective term for the cultural difference between tourists and locals. It can take the form of a lack of adaptivity, appearance in (large) groups, disturbing behaviour on the part of the tourists, and a sensitivity on the part of the local (which has its roots in the factors mentioned above) Altogether, cultural distance can be understood as the socio-cultural difference between locals and tourists. The term goes back to Stephen Williams (2009) : the larger the cultural distance, the greater the potential for conflict.

Spatial and temporal distribution. This refers to the crowding (the sheer number of tourists) or the concentration of tourists in space and/or time. This crowding can lead to irritation irrespective of “cultural distance”: even with the highest degree of “correct behaviour” by highly adaptive individual tourists without further disturbing characteristics, crowding can occur.

Each aspect can potentially cause irritation on its own, but in combination the effects become potentially stronger.

Concrete fields of conflict

The components of the model described in the previous section point at conflicts in a more abstract way (which characteristics and features could lead to conflicts and how does this work in general?). This section will focus on the actual (concrete) conflict fields that can occur. The basis for the collection of these fields of conflict is derived from the illustrated antecedents, yet it is mainly about what has been reported by destinations (especially big cities) and survey results.

The numerous arguments, which are mentioned in the literature, but above all in reports and interviews on areas of conflict, can be divided into possible direct restrictions (those which are perceived at the moment of occurrence) and indirect consequences. Table I shows the concrete fields of conflict that were identified in an overview. The fields of conflict are characterised as “potential”, because it is a structured collection without any further statement as to whether and how far these are relevant to Hamburg. Moreover, it is not an overview of fears by the authors, but about fears of local residents as they experienced in their daily lives (e.g. the authors do not believe that the employment of people with an immigration background is a negative consequence of tourism).

It becomes clear that the number of possible conflict fields is large and their structure heterogeneous and not always clearly assignable. In addition, specific developments do not only impact upon the direct interests of the local residents, but also upon the relations between different tourist actors and economic groups. For example, it is not clear yet how the renting through sharing portals has an impact upon the price development in the hotel industry ( Zervas et al. , 2016 ), and how much “sharing” (as opposed to businesses) there really is in the sharing economy ( O’Neill and Ouyang, 2016 ; European Commission, 2016 ).

In the case of Hamburg, conflicts arose from both temporary or seasonal and permanent sources of conflict. Examples of temporary sources of conflict can be large events, but also groups of cruise passengers who flood the city during daytime in the summer season. In the Hamburg case, there are few very large events in the course of the year which can be conflicting with the interests of the inhabitants, although mitigation and management measures have been taken. But also, a permanent area of conflict can be found in the concrete case, e.g. the misbehaviour of groups of drunken or otherwise intoxicated young males (mostly), entering the red-light district around Reeperbahn.

Strategic approaches

For the residents: to secure and increase the acceptance of tourism.

For tourists and touristic providers: to secure and increase tourist value creation.

Against this background, it is important to ask which measures are appropriate to achieve these goals (see also Figure 1 ).

Although this project is primarily aimed at the equalisation of tourism flows, further strategies and actions are conceivable that mitigate the perceived negative effects of tourism.

improved spatial distribution of visitors (Spreading visitors around the city and beyond);

better time distribution of visitors (time-based rerouting);

regulation (regulation);

incentives through creating itineraries;

improved audience segmentation (visitor segmentation);

making the benefit of the inhabitants clearer (make residents benefit from the visitor economy);

tourist offers with benefits for the inhabitants (create city experiences);

communicating with and involving local stakeholders;

communication approaches towards visitors (communicating with and involving visitors); and

improvement of infrastructure (Improve city infrastructure and facilities).

Each of those strategies is linked to specific actions (CELTH, 2016).

Conclusions and discussion

Currently tourism is on the rise and city tourism has a large share in this increase. The UN World Tourism Organisation anticipates a further growth during the years to come. Emerging economies play a major role in the vast increase of tourism. Driven by an increase of wealth the middle classes in these economies are discovering the world and for example, in Europe it is evident that this is causing a growing level of annoyance among residents of (urban) destinations. Because of the rise of international tourism it is likely that the situation will worsen if visitor flows are not managed properly. This requires a thorough understanding of the forces, the conditions and mechanisms at work. This paper is an attempt to contribute to this understanding by means of a case study in Hamburg and the construction of a model that could help to manage visitor flows and anticipate possible effects of potential measures. Future studies are needed to refine the model.

The model developed in this paper is a conceptual model. It is based upon desk research on and expert interviews in various European cities and a literature review. As a conceptual model, it’s main value lies in sorting and arranging the many possible aspects of visitor pressure occurring in city tourism. It can be (and in the case of Hamburg has been) used as a working structure to assess possible fields of conflict arising from the conflict mechanisms contained in the model. Furthermore, it is intended to help clarify the relation between stakeholders (i. e. the residents, the tourism suppliers and the visitors) and their respective objectives. Being conceptual, however, it is not intended to serve as a structural model delivering graphical representations of hypotheses or structural relationships.

Obviously, in order to assess the situation in a specific destination, the conceptual model is only one basic tool. For concrete applications, two more steps need to be taken, building on the model.

First, the concrete fields of conflict have to be identified. These fields will differ in their importance from city to city and from destination to destination. While in one city, cruise tourists flooding the city centre impose problems, it might be stag parties or beer bikes in another destination and the rise of housing prices because of increasing numbers of Airbnbs in the next. Typically, public discussion about “visitor pressure” or “overtourism” starts with one publicly visible field of conflict. The conceptual model can then help to embed this problem into a larger framework and thus prevent it from being discussed in isolation. In other cases, cities want to assess their current status and vulnerability to unbalanced tourism development. Then, the conceptual model can help to get a more holistic view to the problem.

Second, indicators and metrics have to be applied to the concrete fields of conflict. If, e.g. crowding is identified as a field of conflict, then indicators and measurement for crowding need to be found. These can be visitor counts or usage data from apps and mobile phones. If shared accommodation seems to be the problem, then the number of hosts, listings and overnights at Airbnb and other platforms can be appropriate metrics. A major drawback, however, in the current situation seems to be the lack of comparable metrics. Each city and destination has to rely on its own assessment of “how much is too much”. In terms of overnight stays in hotels, a reasonably well maintained European database exists (TourMIS). Furthermore, some methodological approaches to assess some fields of visitor pressure have been published by McElroy (2006) or Boley et al. (2014) . However, comparable indicators and metrics specific for the field of visitor pressure are not at hand at the moment.

Third, taking action and implementing measures is a logical consequence in cases where the assessment phase has shown problems of visitor pressure. These actions might be in the fields of regulation, visitor management, pricing or communication. The model does not give suggestions as to which actions to take. It can work, however, as a guideline for the strategic objectives of such actions, namely to secure (and possibly increase) the economic value from tourism for the city and its tourism suppliers on the one hand and to secure (and possibly increase) tourism acceptance on the residents’ side on the other hand.

Quality of life: equal demands on tourism

Conceptual model of conflict drivers and irritation factors

Potential areas of conflict

Source: Adapted from Postma (2013)

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Acknowledgements

© Albert Postma and Dirk Schmuecker. Published in the Journal of Tourism Futures . Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode

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About the authors.

Albert Postma is a Professor of Applied Sciences at the European Tourism Futures Institute, Stenden University of Applied Sciences, Leeuwarden, The Netherlands.

Dirk Schmuecker is the Head of Research at the NIT Institute for Tourism Research in Northern Europe, Kiel, Germany.

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Positive and Negative Impacts of Tourism on Culture: A Critical Review of Examples from the Contemporary Literature

Now-a-days it is a common debate that whether the negative impacts of tourism on culture outweighs its positive benefits. Some people say, it is really hard to measure that how much culture is being damaged by the tourism or how much culture is being protected due to the involvement of many socio-cultural and socio-economic variables together in tourism. From the extensive literature survey it is found that the tourists, tourism enterprises and hosts are jointly responsible not solely for damaging or keeping a culture (Spanou, 2007). This research suggests that for managing culture responsibly, a democratic management group in a destination management needed to be developed, the local community should be empowered, priority should be given to the process of the development not the product, and finally a structural link between the formal and informal sectors in the tourism industry should be lead by the government to develop a code of conducts and cultural research centres for cultural education, training, workshops, exhibitions, and performance.

Keywords: Culture, Tourism, Tourists, Community, Responsible tourism plan, Tourism enterprises, Cultural tourism

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Positive and Negative Impacts of Tourism on Culture: A Critical Review of Examples from the Contemporary Literature

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• Cultural Impacts of Tourism: the Ac Se of the “Dogon Country” in Mali Mamadou Ballo Rochester Institute of Technology RIT Scholar Works Theses Thesis/Dissertation Collections 2010 Cultural impacts of tourism: The ac se of the “Dogon Country” in Mali Mamadou Ballo Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.rit.edu/theses Recommended Citation Ballo, Mamadou, "Cultural impacts of tourism: The case of the “Dogon Country” in Mali" (2010). Thesis. Rochester Institute of Technology. Accessed from This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Thesis/Dissertation Collections at RIT Scholar Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses by an authorized administrator of RIT Scholar Works. For more information, please contact [email protected] . CULTURAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM: The case of the “Dogon Country” in Mali A Thesis presented to the faculty in the College of Applied Science and Technology School of Hospitality and Service Management at Rochester Institute of Technology By Mamadou Ballo Thesis Supervisor Richard Rick Lagiewski Date approved:______/_______/_______ February 2010 VâÄàâÜtÄ \ÅÑtvàá Éy gÉâÜ|áÅM vtáx Éy WÉzÉÇá |Ç `tÄ| TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 Abstract…………………………………………………..……….………………………………7 Introduction…………………………………………………………..……………………………9 1.1. Background: overview of tourism in Mali…………………….….…..………………………9 1.2. Purpose of the study…………………………………………………...………….…………13 1.3. Significance of the study………………………..……………………...……………………13 1.4. Definition of key terms…………………………………………………...…………………14 CHAPTER 2 Literature Review…………………………………….……….………….………………………15 CHAPTER 3 Methodology……………………………….……………………………………………………28 3.1. Description of the sample………………………...…………………………………………29 3.2. Language…………….…………………………...………………………….………………30 3.3. Scope and limitations……………………...……………………………...…………………30 3.4. Weakness of the study………………………..…………………………….………………30 3.5. Research questions …………………………………..……………………..………………30 CHAPTER 4 Results analysis…………………………………………………………………………………..31 CHAPTER 5 Conclusions and Recommendations …………….………………………………………………56 5.1. Major findings …………………………...….………………………………………………56 5.2. [Show full text]
• The Influence of Cross-Cultural Awareness and Tourist Experience on Authenticity, Tourist Satisfaction, and Acculturation sustainability Article The Influence of Cross-Cultural Awareness and Tourist Experience on Authenticity, Tourist Satisfaction and Acculturation in World Cultural Heritage Sites of Korea Hao Zhang 1, Taeyoung Cho 2, Huanjiong Wang 1,* ID and Quansheng Ge 1,* 1 Key Laboratory of Land Surface Pattern and Simulation, Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research, Chinese Academy of Sciences, 11A, Datun Road, Chaoyang District, Beijing 100101, China; [email protected] 2 Department of Airline Service Science, Joongbu University, 201 Daehak-ro, Chubu-myeon, Geumsan-gun, Chungnam 312-702, Korea; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] (H.W.); [email protected] (Q.G.); Tel.: +86-10-6488-9831 (H.W.); +86-10-6488-9499 (Q.G.) Received: 12 January 2018; Accepted: 20 March 2018; Published: 23 March 2018 Abstract: This study aimed to identify the relationship among the following factors: cross-cultural awareness, tourist experience, authenticity, tourist satisfaction, and acculturation. It also sought to determine what role that tourist activities play in acculturation. Furthermore, this study looked to provide a feasibility plan for the effective management, protection, and sustainable development of World Cultural Heritage Sites. We chose Chinese in Korea (immigrants, workers, and international students) who visited the historic villages of Korea (Hahoe and Yangdong) as the research object, and used 430 questionnaires for analysis. The confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation model were used to verify proposed [Show full text]
• Defining Cultural Tourism International Conference on Civil, Architecture and Sustainable Development (CASD-2016) Dec. 1-2, 2016 London(UK) Defining Cultural Tourism Seyed Sina Mousavi1, Naciye Doratli2, Seyed Nima Mousavi3 and Fereshte Moradiahari4 originated in the 16th century in Britain; (Hibbert, 1969, Feifer, Abstract— Tourism has a vital role in development of different 1985). However, trying to define this concept is more destinations all around the world. Accordingly, culture is assumed as challenging as it may sound; this complex concept may have one of the primary beneficiaries and is regarded as a key asset in different meaning for different people. McKercher and Du tourism development by promoting both tangible (i.e. cultural Cros (2002) discuss „the number of definitions for cultural attractions, like museums and heritage centers, natural assets like tourism nearly matches the number of cultural tourists‟. beach, sun and mountain) and intangible (i.e. promoting gastronomy According to a study conducted by European Commission cultural events and festivals and selling “atmosphere”) elements. However, the diversity of known definitions and a complex regarding habits of cultural consumption for Europeans in relationship between culture and tourism underlines the problem of 2002, people tend to visit galleries and museums abroad as defining cultural tourism. For instance, considering culture as a frequently as they do at their homes. (European Commission, component in every single aspect of human life, it is possible to 2002) Although this issue highlights an emerging concern for assume that everything is cultural, therefore all tourism are somehow cultural activities, it also manifests a contradiction regarding cultural tourism. However, this broad and holistic approach is not the difference between cultural tourism and cultural visits particularly useful in identifying those cultural values important in taken place at home. [Show full text]
• National Cultural Districts Exchange National Cultural 2014 Districts Exchange CULTURAL TOURISM: ATTRACTING VISITORS AND THEIR SPENDING Cheryl Hargrove 2 | MONOGRAPH | MARCH 2010 Americans for the Arts has commissioned five essays spanning the intricacies of arts, entertainment, and cultural districts specifically for policymakers, arts leaders, planning professionals, community development practitioners, and others who are interested in developing new districts or adapting existing ones. > Creating Capacity: Strategic Approaches to Managing Arts, Culture, and Entertainment Districts > Cultural Districts: Bottom-Up and Top-Down Drivers > Cultural Tourism: Attracting Visitors and Their Spending > Art and Culture Districts: Financing, Funding, and Sustaining Them > State Cultural Districts: Metrics, Policies, and Evaluation These essays and reports are part of our National Cultural Districts Exchange, where you can find more information on cultural district legislation, case studies, a national district survey, and a collection of webinars. www.AmericansForTheArts.org/CulturalDistricts. The National Cultural Districts Exchange and this publication are made possible with the generous support of the National Endowment for the Arts. INTRODUCTION: DEFINING CULTURAL DISTRICTS AND CULTURAL TOURISM artners in Tourism, a collective group of federal agencies and national organizations (including Americans for the Arts) crafted this definition of Pcultural tourism more than 20 years ago: “Cultural tourism is based on the mosaic of places, traditions, art forms, celebrations, and experiences [Show full text]
• Cultural Tourism As a Driver of Rural Development. Case Study: Southern Moravia sustainability Article Cultural Tourism as a Driver of Rural Development. Case Study: Southern Moravia Milada Št’astná * , Antonín Vaishar, Jiˇrí Brychta, Kristýna Tuzová, Jan Zloch and Veronika Stodolová Department of Applied and Landscape Ecology, Mendel University in Brno, Brno 61300, Czech Republic; [email protected] (A.V.); [email protected] (J.B.); [email protected] (K.T.); [email protected] (J.Z.); [email protected] (V.S.) * Correspondence: [email protected] ; Tel.: +420-606-580-412 Received: 13 October 2020; Accepted: 29 October 2020; Published: 31 October 2020 Abstract: The main aim of the study was to find out whether cultural tourism could be a driver of rural development in the selected area and in general. In case yes, to what extent and under what conditions. Three districts in the South-Moravian Region, Znojmo, Bˇreclav, and Hodonín, situated in the rural borderland with Austria and Slovakia represented the study area. Both geographical and sociological methods were used to gather evidence for cultural tourism in that study. Firstly, attractiveness analysis of the area defined for cultural tourism took place. Next, factors influencing the potential for cultural tourism affecting rural development in South Moravia were evaluated. Finally, synergistic relations were discussed. In the territory, many forms of tourism intersect. Based on the results, it can be stated that cultural tourism can hardly be the main driver of rural development after the decline of agriculture because the region’s economy has branched out in several directions. However, it can be an important complementary activity that yields both economic and non-economic benefits. [Show full text]
• Intercultural Communication in Tourism Cross-Cultural Management Journal Volume XVII, Issue 1 / 2015 Cristina Elena ALBU ”Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University of Iași, Romania INTERCULTURAL Literature Review COMMUNICATION IN TOURISM Keywords Culture, Tourism, Communication, Stereotype, Cultural shock, Intercultural communication. JEL Classification D83; M14; L83 Abstract Communication is involved in all social life acts, being the constituent factor of creation and of cultural processes. Cultural diversity and intercultural dialogue are intensely discussed topics in today's society which is marked by globalization. Cultural differences are the core subject for studies addressing intercultural communication. Good knowledge of other cultures is a necessary step to get to recognize the nature of these differences and to relate to others through attitudes of understanding and tolerance which are premises for genuine intercultural dialogue, especially in the tourism industry. While communication is an act of human relationships, culture is the motive of this act. In tourism, quality of communication is related to the level of the culture involved and to the degree of improvement of the means of which is done. Intercultural communication experiences help tourists to know and to appreciate other cultures, but also help them to a better understanding of their own culture. 7 Cross-Cultural Management Journal Volume XVII, Issue 1 / 2015 Introduction 1. Culture Tourism is a nowadays phenomenon, In an anthropological sense, culture is ”the based on increased need for health recovery and for collective programming of the mind by which changing environment, as well as for “the birth and members of a group or social categories are the development of a sense of openness for distinguished from others” (Hofstede, 2012). [Show full text]
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• Published: 10 September 2024

When urban poverty becomes a tourist attraction: a systematic review of slum tourism research

• Tianhan Gui   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6069-3046 1 &
• Wei Zhong 1  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  11 , Article number:  1178 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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• Business and management

Over the last two decades, the phenomenon of “slum tourism” and its academic exploration have seen considerable growth. This study presents a systematic literature review of 122 peer-reviewed journal articles, employing a combined approach of bibliometric and content analysis. Our review highlights prominent authors and journals in this domain, revealing that the most cited journals usually focus on tourism studies or geography/urban studies. This reflects a confluence of travel motivations and urban complexities within slum tourism. Through keyword co-occurrence analysis, we identified three primary research areas: the touristic transformation of urban informal settlements, the depiction and valorization of urban poverty, and the socio-economic impacts of slum tourism. This study not only maps the current landscape of research in this area but also identifies existing gaps. It suggests that the economic, social, and cultural effects of slum tourism are areas that require more in-depth investigation in future research endeavors.

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Introduction.

“Slums” are defined by UN-Habitat ( 2006 ) as underdeveloped urban areas lacking in a durable housing, adequate living space, safe water access, sanitation, and tenure security. Emerging from urban growth disparities, these informal settlements have proliferated since the latter half of the 20th century, especially in the Global South’s cities. Despite progress in urban planning and poverty reduction, UN-Habitat ( 2020 ) reports that over a billion people, with 80% in developing regions, still live in such conditions.

Slums undeniably “represent one of the most enduring faces of poverty, inequality, exclusion and deprivation” (UN-Habitat, 2020 , p. 25), necessitating policy intervention. However, the term “slum” is controversial among scholars as it often carries negative connotations, conflating poor housing conditions with the identities of residents (Gilbert, 2007 ). Beyond poverty and disease, it suggests crime and immorality, contributing to a narrative of fear and fascination (Davis, 2006 ; Mayne, 2017 ).

Recent decades have seen a surge in “slum tours” in the Global South, attracting tourists from the affluent North. Driven by complex motives that “consist of a mix of adventurous inquiry and humanitarian ambitions” (Dürr, 2012b , p. 707), tourists from the affluent North desire to glimpse “the other side of the world” (Steinbrink, 2012 , p. 232). This trend has turned guided tours in informal settlements into a booming business in cities like Mumbai, Rio de Janeiro, Cape Town, and Nairobi, drawing approximately one million tourists annually (Frenzel, 2016 ).

Modern slum tourism has deep historical roots, originating as “slumming” in Victorian England and early 20th-century America. Rapid urbanization in cities like London and New York created neglected areas, which, to middle and upper-class observers, represented a mysterious and chaotic “other world” (Steinbrink, 2012 ). This perception of danger and uncivilization paradoxically attracted bourgeois curiosity (Frenzel et al. 2015 ).

By the late 1970s, with the surge in international tourism, this localized “slumming” transformed into a global phenomenon. Affluent residents from the Global North began exploring underprivileged urban pockets in the Global South, making these areas tourism hotspots (Freire-Medeiros, 2009 ; Iqani, 2016 ). This trend marked the beginning of modern slum tourism, a practice that took a significant turn in the 1990s in South Africa. Initially focusing on anti-apartheid landmarks in townships like Soweto, Johannesburg (Steinbrink, 2012 ), these tours diversified to other cities, including Rio de Janeiro, Mumbai, and Manila (Frenzel et al. 2015 ). The once sporadic visits to informal settlements have now metamorphosed into well-orchestrated tours, often recommended by travel guidebooks. Today’s travelers can dine at local eateries, visit schools, interact with residents, or even step inside their homes (Frenzel, 2017 ; Frenzel and Blakeman, 2015 ). The industry has professionalized, with cities in the Global South attracting tourists mainly from the United Kingdom, United States, Germany, and Scandinavia (Frenzel, 2012 ; Frenzel and Blakeman, 2015 ; Steinbrink, 2012 ).

The burgeoning interest in slum tourism has sparked significant scholarly discourse, particularly in the new millennium. Research in this realm predominantly orbits around the ethical implications of such tourism, its role in mitigating poverty, and the duties of governing bodies in these scenarios. Slum tourism research encompasses various disciplines, including urban studies, tourism and hospitality, and human geography, with a significant proliferation of publications in recent years.

The surge in research has also led to several evaluative studies scrutinizing the breadth and depth of the subject. Frenzel’s ( 2013 ) thematic review, for instance, probed the nexus between slum tourism and poverty alleviation. Given that most slum tours proclaim poverty alleviation as their core intent, Frenzel’s inquiry into the intersection of this mission with tourism was insightful. He also championed the need for a rigorous exploration of the multifaceted valorization of poverty within tourism dynamics. A more expansive review by Frenzel et al. ( 2015 ) delved into various research focuses like the evolution of slum tourism, tourist experiences, operational aspects, economic implications, and so on. Their assessment underscored existing research voids, emphasizing the necessity for more nuanced, comparative studies. Tzanelli ( 2018 ) examined the socio-cultural and political drivers behind tourists’ inclinations towards informal settlements, critically analyzing the epistemological frameworks employed by scholars.

While these reviews have significantly sketched the contours of the discipline, many leaned heavily on conventional literature review techniques—predicated on selected, and at times, circumscribed resources (Petticrew and Roberts, 2008 ). Such manual methodologies, albeit insightful, are prone to biases “during the identification, selection, and synthesis of included studies” (Haddaway et al. 2015 , p. 1956). A systematic literature review, which adheres to rigorous protocols and curtails subjective inclinations, would be more enriching. Such a methodological shift not only offers a panoramic view of pivotal research arguments and deliberations but also illuminates evolving trends and perspectives. The surge in slum tourism literature recently underscores its dynamic nature, necessitating a renewed scrutiny of nascent discussions eluding preceding reviews.

Addressing this research exigency, our current endeavor undertakes a comprehensive examination of a gamut of articles illuminating diverse research angles on slum tourism. Employing both bibliometric and qualitative content analysis techniques, our study dissects 122 journal articles published over the past twenty years. We endeavor to spotlight seminal authors and journals, delineate prevailing themes in slum tourism studies, and carve out prospective trajectories for forthcoming research endeavors.

Methodology

Search process and sample selection.

A systematic review requires researchers to thoroughly examine all existing studies in a certain research area. This ensures a replicable, scientific, and transparent approach with minimal bias (Denyer and Tranfield, 2009 ). We adopt the “Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis” (PRISMA) guideline (Moher et al. 2009 ) to identify eligible articles. The screening process is presented in Fig. 1 . We consulted an advanced keyword search on Google Scholar to retrieve literature on slum tourism. We chose Google Scholar because it provides broader access to a diverse range of scholarly articles, including those from various regions and disciplines that may not be indexed in databases like Web of Science or Scopus. Furthermore, since this study aims to review research articles on slum tourism, which is pertinent in the Global South, many journals or articles published or authored in the Global South are not indexed in Web of Science or Scopus but can be found on Google Scholar. This accessibility is vital for ensuring the inclusion of relevant studies that reflect the diverse contexts of slum tourism.

The systematic workflow and results.

For our subject search, we used the keywords “slum tourism.” We consciously omitted country-specific terms like barrios, township, and favela to prevent a regional bias (Baffoe and Kintrea, 2023 ). Google Scholar Advanced Search provides the choice to locate keywords either “in the title of the article” or “anywhere in the article.” We chose the latter, ensuring the inclusion of articles that might employ regional terms synonymous with “slum” in their titles. This approach also considered the potential cross-referencing of slum tourism literature in these articles. Conducted in August 2023 without time constraints, our search yielded 2690 materials.

To uphold the literature’s quality, only peer-reviewed scientific articles were chosen, excluding “grey literatures” such as reports, theses, conference proceedings, and other similar outputs. Books and book chapters were not incorporated into our review because our focus extended to trends in slum tourism research. The accelerated pace of academic publishing in journals, as compared to the longer timelines associated with books, means they often house the most current findings and trends. Utilizing a bibliometric analysis approach, we found the standardized structure of journal articles particularly beneficial, allowing for a more straightforward process in extracting, comparing, and synthesizing data. Books and their chapters, given their varied formats, might not always provide this level of consistency. Recognizing that a systematic review cannot encompass all languages, we confined our study to English-written articles.

After the initial screening, 148 articles closely related to slum tourism were identified. Our perspective on slum tourism aligns with Frenzel’s ( 2018 , p. 51) definition, describing it as “tourism where poverty and associated signifiers become central themes and (part of the) attraction of the visited destination.” Upon a thorough review of the full texts, it became apparent that some articles, while mentioning “slum tourism,” did not primarily focus on it. For instance, the work of Jones and Sanyal ( 2015 ) discusses the portrayal of Dharavi—India and Asia’s largest informal settlement—in slum tours, arts, and documentaries. Although their article addresses how Dharavi is represented in slum tours, its primary focus is on the depiction of informal settlements and urban poverty across various media, not slum tourism per se. Consequently, this article was excluded from our dataset. We also eliminated editorials, short commentaries, research notes, and prior literature reviews. This filtering narrowed our selection to 107 peer-reviewed articles. An exhaustive examination of their references added another 15 articles, giving a total of 122 articles. Figure 1 visualizes the selection process.

Data analysis

This study utilized both bibliometric and qualitative content analyses. Bibliometric analysis is crucial for identifying both established and emerging research themes as well as influential authors, key studies, and prominent journals (Hajek et al. 2022 ). We employed VOSviewer, a leading bibliometric analysis software, to undertake co-citation and keyword co-occurrence analyses, examining slum tourism research. Co-citation analysis pinpoints influential authors, studies, and journals, leveraging citations as pivotal indicators of scientific impact (De Bellis, 2009 ). Meanwhile, keyword co-occurrence analysis highlights prominent keywords and their relationships, signposting research field hotspots (Wang and Yang, 2019 ).

Augmenting the bibliometric approach, our qualitative content analysis delved deeper into the primary themes of slum tourism research. The keyword co-occurrence analysis supplied a broad view of research themes and trending topics. Emerging nodes and clusters helped pinpoint dominant research themes. By meticulously analyzing each article’s content, we executed a critical review of every theme. We also broached prospective research trajectories in the article’s conclusion.

Overview of slum tourism research

Figure 2 illustrates the evolving research landscape of slum tourism. The journey began in 2004 with two seminal papers by Kaplan ( 2004 ) and Rogerson ( 2004 ). Both delved into Johannesburg’s township tourism, emphasizing tourism’s potential in poverty mitigation and the region’s economic upliftment. Post-2004, the domain attracted escalating scholarly interest, evidenced by a notable publication upswing from 2012 onward.

Publishing trends of slum tourism research.

Two pivotal discursive events in Bristol (2010) and Potsdam (2014) further catalyzed the field’s evolution. Gathering global experts on slum tourism, these events spurred foundational texts that have since informed the discipline. The post-Bristol momentum produced a special Tourism Geographies issue in 2012, curated by Frenzel and Koens. Successive publications, like the “Slum Tourism” special issue of Die Erde 144 (2) in 2013, and the themed “Slum Tourism” issue of Tourism Review International in 2015, further cemented the field’s prominence. Undoubtedly, these seminal conferences and publications have been instrumental in surging scholarly endeavors in slum tourism research.

We conducted a co-citation analysis to pinpoint the leading authors and journals in the realm of slum tourism research. A co-citation refers to the simultaneous citation of two documents (Small, 1973 ). Such analysis aids scholars in organizing scientific literature and grasping the evolution of specific research domains (Surwase et al. 2011 ).

Figure 3 illustrates the outcomes of our author co-citation analysis. We established a threshold of 40 citations to identify the most influential authors within our dataset of 4229 authors. Only 11 authors met this threshold, allowing for a focused examination of the core contributors in the field. Their significant scholarly impact is reflected by their extensive citations, with node size in the visualization representing co-citation strength. Rogerson, Frenzel, and Steinbrink emerged as the most frequently cited authors, with the highest link strengths of 3978, 3173, and 2734, respectively. Rogerson’s work delved into the economic ramifications of tourism in South African townships, highlighting the part slum tourism plays in poverty reduction and sustainable community economic growth (Booyens and Rogerson, 2019 a, 2019b ; Rogerson, 2014 ). He also discussed urban tourism’s influence on small and medium-sized enterprises (Rogerson, 2004 , 2008 ). In contrast, Frenzel and Steinbrink examined the commercialization of urban informal settlements and the portrayal and appreciation of poverty (Frenzel, 2017 ; Frenzel and Blakeman, 2015 ; Steinbrink, 2012 , 2013 ).

Author co-citation network.

Other notable authors in this field include Freire-Medeiros, who discussed the transformation of Brazilian favelas into tourist attractions (Freire-Medeiros et al. 2013 ; Freire-Medeiros, 2007 , 2009 , 2011 ), Koens, who probed the growth of small and medium-sized businesses in South African townships (Koens and Thomas, 2015 , 2016 ) and local perceptions of slum tourism in India (Slikker and Koens, 2015 ), and Booyens, who primarily focused on responsible tourism in South African townships (Booyens, 2010 ; Booyens and Rogerson, 2019b , 2018). Rolfes also made a significant contribution by studying the ethical aspects of slum tourism (Burgold and Rolfes, 2013 ; Rolfes, 2010 ).

Intriguingly, although not a slum tourism specialist, Urry stands among the eleven most-cited authors. He is renowned for introducing “the tourist gaze” concept (Urry, 1990 ), suggesting that tourist experiences and choices are more influenced by the tourism industry, societal norms, and cultural factors than by personal autonomy. This theory offers a crucial framework for understanding how poverty is portrayed in slum tourism and the dynamics between tourists and local residents.

Figure 4 presents the map of journal co-citations, illuminating the academic areas focused on the topic of “slum tourism.” A journal co-citation analysis, conducted with a threshold of 40 citations, identified 11 key journals from a pool of 3013 in our dataset, underscoring their central roles in the discourse of the field. Notably, the Annals of Tourism Research occupies a central position on the map with the highest link strength of 2608, highlighting its prominence as the most-cited journal in slum tourism research. These journals are categorized into two primary clusters: tourism studies and geography/urban studies. This categorization reflects the dual scholarly interest in slum tourism, which intertwines travel motivations with the complexities of urban environments. On one hand, tourism researchers probe the allure of these regions, the ensuing cultural interactions, and the ethical debates surrounding poverty as an attraction. Conversely, geography and urban studies scholars explore the spatial structures of informal settlements, underlying socio-economic drivers, and the reciprocal impact between tourism and urban evolution. Collectively, these disciplines provide a nuanced view of slum tourism’s multifaceted nature. Notably, Development Southern Africa does not align strictly with these categories, but as a multidisciplinary journal emphasizing policy and practice in Southern Africa—a hub for modern slum tourism—it garners frequent citations.

Journal co-citation network.

After meticulously reviewing the 122 publications, we pinpointed the locations that are focal points for slum tourism research. As presented in Table 1 , South Africa, India, and Brazil emerge as the most extensively researched countries in this domain. They are closely followed by Kenya, Mexico, Colombia, Egypt, and Indonesia.

Township tourism in South Africa, deeply rooted in the country’s complex history, is a significant topic in slum tourism research. This form of tourism, which emerged in post-apartheid South Africa (Steinbrink, 2012 ), focuses on areas historically designated as “black only” zones, where disparities still exist (Iqani, 2016 ). Originating in Soweto, Johannesburg, it has since spread to other major cities. The 2010 FIFA World Cup, hosted by South Africa, notably boosted its popularity (Marschall, 2013 ). Today, Cape Town is a key destination for township tourism, with townships like Langa and Khayelitsha attracting tourists due to their historical significance (Rolfes, 2010 ).

Similar to South Africa, favela tourism in Brazil has political roots. These favelas, initially informal settlements for the formerly enslaved (Iqani, 2016 ), gained international attention after the 1992 Earth Summit, when delegates visited Rio de Janeiro’s favelas (Frenzel, 2012 ). Their prominence increased further during the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Olympics (Steinbrink, 2013 ). Despite their cultural richness, favelas face challenges like crime and drug trafficking (Freire-Medeiros, 2009 ). Rio’s favelas, especially Rocinha and Santa Marta, attract numerous tourists each year (Frenzel and Blakeman, 2015 ).

In India, the scenario of slum tourism is notably different, with Mumbai’s Dharavi, one of the world’s largest informal settlement, being a key focus of India-specific studies. Other informal settlements in cities like Kolkata and Delhi have also attracted scholarly attention (Holst, 2015 ; Sen, 2008 ). These informal settlements are characterized by their micro-industries and recycling efforts, showcasing the resilience and entrepreneurial spirit of the residents (Gupta, 2016 ). Although a relatively new trend compared to its counterparts, India’s slum tourism industry has burgeoned, spawning numerous tour operators (Frenzel and Blakeman, 2015 ).

Over time, slum tourism has gained traction, spreading to nations across the Global South, including Kenya, Colombia, Mexico, Egypt, and the Philippines. In our study, while most articles were location-specific, ten adopted a holistic approach, discussing the overarching theme of slum tourism.

Prominent areas of slum tourism research

We conducted a keyword co-occurrence analysis on our slum tourism research dataset to identify and visualize the most significant themes by examining the frequency and relationships of keywords. This method facilitated the identification of central research clusters and thematic hotspots within the topic. Figure 5 illustrates the network of keywords that frequently co-occur in slum tourism studies. To refine our data, we consolidated similar keywords, for example, pairing “township” with “townships” and “developing countries” with “developing world.” For this analysis, we set a threshold to include keywords that appeared at least three times, leading to the selection of 44 out of 322 keywords, thereby emphasizing their significance within the field. In the network, each node represents a keyword; larger nodes indicate higher frequencies of occurrence. Our analysis revealed six distinct clusters, each differentiated by a unique color.

Network visualization of the keywords co-occurrence.

The red cluster focuses on “slum tourism,” examining the development of tourism in informal settlements and its wide-ranging socio-economic impacts. This cluster covers aspects such as “branding” and the role of “tour guides,” and emphasizes key socio-economic factors including “residents’ perceptions” and “poverty alleviation.” Simultaneously, the green cluster, highlighting terms such as “township tourism” and “economic development,” shifts focus to the growth of local, often small-to-medium-sized, tourism businesses, particularly spotlighting township tourism in South Africa. Meanwhile, the light blue cluster examines the impact of slum tourism on local communities, with a special focus on “community-based tourism” and favela tourism in Brazil. The yellow cluster delves into the portrayal of poverty as a key draw in slum tourism, questioning its classification as “poverty tourism” and exploring the shift towards more ethical, “pro-poor,” and responsible tourism practices. Concurrently, the purple cluster critically examines the portrayal and perception of poverty in slum tourism, focusing on tourist perspectives influenced by the “tourist gaze” and social media. Lastly, the dark blue cluster analyzes how globalization and rising consumer culture have spurred the growth of slum tourism, integrating themes like “globalization,” “space,” and “consumption,” and underscoring poverty’s central role in this phenomenon.

In our thematic analysis of publications, we integrated clusters with similar themes. The red, green, yellow, and light blue clusters, which focus on the socio-economic impacts of slum tourism on local communities, were merged. The red and dark blue clusters, addressing the transformation of urban informal settlements into tourist destinations and their driving factors, were also combined into a single theme. Furthermore, the purple and yellow clusters, centered on the portrayal and perception of poverty in slum tourism, were grouped together. Our review systematically examines these unified themes, as illustrated in Table 2 .

Touristic transformation of urban informal settlements

The transformation of urban informal settlements into tourist destinations has been extensively discussed in earlier literature on slum tourism. This transformation hinges significantly on cultural and historical heritage. As previously mentioned, Brazil’s favelas and South Africa’s townships attracted visitors with political and cultural interests (Frenzel, 2012 ; Steinbrink, 2012 ). Gradually, with the globalization that stimulated global mobility and the rise of consumer culture, these locales became spaces of interaction, juxtaposing mobility and immobility on a global scale (Dürr, 2012a ). As many informal settlements in the Global South were represented in global media, they gained increasing touristic attention. For instance, after the success of the film “The City of God” in 2003, the number of foreign visitors to favelas in Rio grew significantly (Freire-Medeiros, 2011 ). As Freire-Medeiros ( 2009 , p. 582) mentioned in another article that tours in these informal settlements “are equally indebted to the phenomenon of circulation and consumption, at a global level, of the favela as a trademark.”

In the touristic transformation of informal settlements, policy plays a pivotal role. For instance, local governments in South Africa actively encouraged township tourism by creating museums, developing historical and political heritage sites, and promoting township upgrading programs (Booyens, 2010 ; Booyens and Rogerson, 2019b ; Marschall, 2013 ). In Brazil, favela tourism served as a means to enhance its image in the context of preparations for mega-events in Rio, a strategy dubbed “Festifavelasation” (Steinbrink, 2013 ). South Africa pursued a similar path after securing the 2010 FIFA World Cup (Marschall, 2013 ). In Colombia, a policy known as “social urbanism” led Medellin, previously known for its drug barons and criminal activities, to undergo social and economic transformation, attracting both interest and tourists (Hernandez‐Garcia, 2013 ).

In analyzing our dataset’s articles, it is evident that slum tours primarily occur in well-known informal settlements of the Global South, such as Mumbai’s Dharavi, Rio de Janeiro’s Rocinha, and Johannesburg’s Soweto. These locations are preferred due to the factors previously mentioned. However, this growing industry often overlooks numerous lesser-known and more impoverished communities (Koens, 2012 ). Issues such as insufficient infrastructure, the absence of tourist attractions, and poor security hinder the growth of tourism in informal urban settlements. This situation is clearly seen in areas like Harare, Zimbabwe (Mukoroverwa and Chiutsi, 2018 ), and certain townships in Durban, South Africa (Chili, 2015 ).

A significant barrier is also the lack of awareness of pro-poor tourism in these lesser-known areas. Munyanyiwa et al.’s ( 2014 ) research in Harare’s townships revealed that many residents were unaware of township tourism, compounded by insufficient infrastructure and community involvement to support it. Moreover, residents were unsure of how to benefit from such initiatives, with historical tourism activities largely unknown to them. Similarly, Attaalla’s ( 2016 ) study in Egypt highlighted the minimal awareness of pro-poor tourism, the absence of a comprehensive government policy to develop this tourism type, and the scarcity of specialized Egyptian tour operators and travel agencies in the pro-poor tourism market. For successful tourism in these areas, it’s vital to enhance infrastructure, safety, and offer innovative tourism experiences (Mukoroverwa and Chiutsi, 2018 ). Additionally, improved information dissemination and increased stakeholder engagement are essential (Munyanyiwa et al. 2014 ).

The transition of informal settlements into tourist destinations brings several challenges. Notably, the commercialization of these marginalized areas can aestheticize deprivation and social inequality, turning them into themed spaces that reinforce stereotypes and maintain informal settlements as attractions shaped by tourist expectations (e.g. Altamirano, 2022b ; Dürr, 2012a ). Building on this point, Dürr et al. ( 2020 ) highlighted that marketing urban poverty and violence as a city brand could exacerbate existing inequalities. Research also shows that in many touristic informal settlements, local residents often do not fully engage with or benefit from tourism (Koens and Thomas, 2015 ; Marschall, 2013 ). Furthermore, public policies aimed at transforming these settlements sometimes lack consistency, creating insecurity among locals (Altamirano, 2022b ). Addressing these issues requires enhanced policies and increased community involvement in tourism, posing significant challenges for local governments.

Valorization and representation of urban poverty

In 2010, the term “poverty tourism” was recognized in slum tourism research, casting a spotlight on the intricate connection between poverty and this type of tourism (Rolfes, 2010 ). This tourism variant is not without controversy, interrogating the confluence of poverty, power, and ethical dilemmas (see Chhabra and Chowdhury, 2012 ; Korstanje, 2016 ; Outterson et al. 2011 ). This dynamic between the commodification of impoverished settlements and their portrayal within the tourism spectrum has ignited fervent academic debate.

Frenzel ( 2014 ) critically observed that within the paradigm of slum tourism, poverty transcends its role as a mere backdrop, ascending to the primary spectacle. Consequently, this leads to the commodification of urban impoverishment, turning it into a tourism commodity with tangible monetary value (Rolfes, 2010 ). Scholars have extensively dissected this juxtaposition. While some examine the framing, representation, and marketing dimensions (Dürr et al. 2020 ; Meschkank, 2011 ; Rolfes, 2010 ), others argued that poverty becomes romanticized, perceived more as a cultural artifact rather than an urgent societal issue (Crossley, 2012 ; Huysamen et al. 2020 ; Nisbett, 2017 ).

In this tapestry, both tourists and tour operators play pivotal roles in framing the narrative. Operators, tapping into the tourists’ quest for the “authenticity” embedded in the narratives of global urbanization, exert significant influence in shaping perceptions (Meschkank, 2012 ; Rolfes, 2010 ). Studies have observed that in an attempt to counteract the inherently negative perceptions surrounding informal settlements (Dyson, 2012 ), operators often position these spaces as beacons of hope, underlining the tenacity, optimism, and aspirations of the residents (Crossley, 2012 ; Dürr et al. 2020 ; Huysamen et al. 2020 ; Meschkank, 2011 ). Moreover, to navigate the moral complexities that tourists might grapple with, operators design their offerings as ethical enterprises, promising both enlightenment for the tourists and tangible economic upliftment for the communities (Muldoon and Mair, 2016 ; Nisbett, 2017 ).

However, such strategies face intellectual scrutiny for their potential to obfuscate the palpable suffering that underpins these urban landscapes. Several studies affirm that poverty dominates the observational narratives across tours in global cities from Mumbai to Rio de Janeiro (Crossley, 2012 ; Dürr et al. 2020 ; Meschkank, 2012 ). As Clini and Valančiūnas ( 2023 ) observed, such sanitized representations, while better than negative stereotypes, could unintentionally normalize the systemic inequalities associated with poverty. This approach not only risks reducing the perceived need for urgent poverty alleviation efforts but also may leave existing societal inequalities unchallenged. This has prompted critiques that label the phenomenon as commercial “voyeurism, and exploitation for commercial ends” (Burgold and Rolfes, 2013 , p. 162).

For tourists, their motivation often orbits around the pursuit of “authenticity” when they consider visiting informal settlements (see Clini and Valančiūnas, 2023 ; Crossley, 2012 ; Gupta, 2016 ; Meschkank, 2011 ; Steinbrink, 2012 ). Marketed as unvarnished encounters with reality, informal settlements are often depicted as bastions of culture, diversity, and authenticity (Frenzel et al. 2015 ). This category of slum tourism is, thus, situated within the broader realm of “reality tourism,” promising participatory experiences in socio-economically challenged urban landscapes (Wise et al. 2019 ). However, this approach, despite aligning with general tourism patterns, is not devoid of problems. The very essence of this touristic venture, which is to experience urban impoverishment, inherently establishes an imbalanced dynamic between tourists and inhabitants, leading to its characterization as a form of voyeurism. (Dürr et al. 2020 ; Meschkank, 2011 ).

In the last decade, slum tourism has diversified with new tours offered by locals and NGOs, aiming to challenge stereotypes and present a more complex picture of informal settlements. Frenzel ( 2014 ) noted that guides can empower communities by focusing on often-ignored aspects of these areas. While motivations vary, with some guides driven by profit and others by community welfare and resisting gentrification effects, the role of guides is crucial. Angelini’s ( 2020 ) examination of favela tours accentuated the nuanced challenges faced by these guides, as they attempt to strike a balance between authentic representation and the commodification of their environments. Further, Dürr et al. ( 2021 ) in their ethnographic study in Mexico City’s Tepito, showed how guides can positively portray deprived areas without depoliticizing them, contextualizing local achievements within city politics and using historical narratives to emphasize the area’s significance.

In the digital era, social media significantly influences the slum tourism narrative (Sarrica et al. 2021 ). The Internet is vital for operators to market and sell tours and provide information to potential travelers (Privitera, 2015 ). Many studies have analyzed slum tourism portrayals in online reviews and media, exploring how these areas and experiences are represented (Huysamen et al. 2020 ; Nisbett, 2017 ; Sarrica et al. 2021 ; Shang et al. 2022 ; Wise et al. 2019 ). For instance, Nisbett ( 2017 ) highlighted concerns about reviews that often gloss over poverty’s complexities, focusing instead on the tours’ economic aspects. Similarly, Huysamen et al. ( 2020 ) observed that tourist narratives tend to paint these areas as “slums of hope,” ignoring the disparity between wealthy tourists and impoverished locals. Ekdale and Tuwei ( 2016 ) studied texts from Kibera visitors, noting that while tourists claim to gain authentic understanding of global inequality, their privileged perspective remains unexamined. These “ironic encounters” often reinforce global inequalities, serving more as self-validation for tourists than a true engagement with local challenges.

On the flip side, social media’s role in depicting informal settlements is not always reductive. Some academics posit that these platforms can provide a counter-narrative to skewed representations by offering avenues to disseminate a diverse array of authentic stories and perspectives (Sarrica et al. 2021 ). Crucially, social media can amplify local residents’ voices, allowing them to share concerns about slum tourism, including privacy, potential exploitation, and daily life disruptions (Crapolicchio et al. 2022 ). The digital era thus presents both opportunities and challenges for slum tourism, underscoring the need for ethical and respectful interactions that honor and authentically represent these communities’ narratives.

Social and economic impact of slum tourism to local communities

The economic and social impacts of tourism in these informal settlements are prominent themes in slum tourism research. Across various countries, including Egypt, South Africa, Brazil, and Indonesia, tourism has spurred urban development and improved living conditions in informal settlements (Anyumba, 2017 ; Booyens and Rogerson, 2019a ; Mekawy, 2012 ; Sulistyaningsih et al. 2022 ; Torres, 2012 ). Developments like aerial cable cars in Brazil’s favelas and minibus-taxis in South African townships have evolved local transportation systems (Freire-Medeiros and Name, 2017 ; Rietjens et al. 2006 ). These advancements facilitate social transformation, such as increased security investments in Brazilian favelas (Freire-Medeiros et al. 2013 ) and “social urbanism” in Colombian barrios, integrating marginalized communities and improving education and security (Hernandez‐Garcia, 2013 ). A comparative study of the touristification of Gamcheon Culture Village (Busan, South Korea) and Comuna 13 (Medellin, Colombia) highlighted that effective governance can create community networks and stakeholder partnerships, fostering entrepreneurial opportunities (Escalona and Oh, 2022 ).

Tourism holds potential as a means to reduce poverty by creating employment opportunities in impoverished urban areas (Aseye and Opoku, 2015 ; Cardoso et al. 2022 ; Paul, 2016 ). Slum tourism, in particular, fosters entrepreneurship, allowing residents to start their own tour companies or bed and breakfasts. However, challenges for local entrepreneurs include limited market access, stiff competition, low marketing budgets, poor business locations, and lack of support from established firms, often leading to the marginalization of smaller operators in a market dominated by larger companies (see Chili, 2018 ; Hikido, 2018 ; Mokoena and Liambo, 2023 ; Mtshali et al. 2017 ; Nemasetoni and Rogerson, 2005 ). Further, small business owners frequently lack essential education and marketing skills (see Leonard and Dladla, 2020 ; Letuka and Lebambo, 2022 ; Rogerson, 2004 ). Mokoena and Liambo ( 2023 ) observed that only a minority of entrepreneurs adopt competitive strategies in their businesses.

Scholars have also observed that the profits from slum tourism are insufficient for significant poverty alleviation (Freire-Medeiros, 2009 , 2012 ). Koen and Thomas’ study of South Africa townships ( 2015 ) highlighted the challenge to the idea that small business owners reinvest their profits locally for economic development. Successful entrepreneurs often leave their townships due to a lack of local ties, leading to economic benefits being concentrated among a small, predominantly male, privileged group, while marginalized groups’ businesses yield lower gains. Moreover, most slum tour companies depend heavily on foreign support, resulting in substantial economic leakage (Frenzel and Blakeman, 2015 ; Meschkank, 2012 ; Rolfes, 2010 ).

The social implications of slum tourism form a major focus in recent academic studies, particularly regarding how local residents perceive this tourism form. Surveys and interviews with inhabitants of informal settlements have uncovered a range of reactions, including positive, negative, skeptical, and indifferent attitudes toward slum tourism (Amo et al. 2019 ; Auala et al. 2019 ; Freire-Medeiros, 2012 ; Marschall, 2013 ; Slikker and Koens, 2015 ).

In Rio, Mumbai, and Nairobi, some studies reveal that residents feel embarrassed by slum tourism, as certain operators emphasize negative community aspects to cater to tourists seeking “real” poverty experiences, leading to privacy issues (Freire-Medeiros, 2012 ; Kieti and Magio, 2013 ; Slikker and Koens, 2015 ). Conversely, slum tourism is also viewed positively in many areas. Slikker and Koens’ ( 2015 ) study in Mumbai and Amo et al. ( 2019 ) research in Medellin found residents believe it counters negative stereotypes and raises community visibility. In Nairobi and Cape Town, locals welcome it as a source of income and jobs (Chege and Mwisukha, 2013 ; Potgieter et al. 2019 ). Additionally, Muldoon et al.’s South African studies suggest slum tourism empowers residents by bringing international attention to townships, giving them more control over their narratives and a sense of importance (Muldoon, 2020 ; Muldoon and Mair, 2022 ).

Indeed, the social impact of tourism is dualistic. As Altamirano ( 2022a ) pointed out, while tourism can establish new material and symbolic frameworks, providing residents with chances for counter-hegemonic actions, it does not uniformly support the cultural empowerment of impoverished communities. Instead, it can result in neoliberal development and increased surveillance. This underscores the necessity for thoughtful policymaking in slum tourism, advocating for policies that prioritize the well-being and cultural richness of communities over mere profit generation, particularly in environments marked by urban disparities and complex power dynamics.

Booyens and Rogerson ( 2019 b) suggested that slum tourism ought to function as a type of “creative tourism,” fostering solidarity and mutual understanding between tourists and local residents, stimulating economic growth in communities, and increasing awareness of the North-South disparity in the postcolonial context. The transition to pro-poor tourism heavily relies on effective policy implementation. Therefore, numerous scholars have advocated for policy instruments to enhance safety and infrastructure, and to facilitate effective coordination among various stakeholders, alongside strengthening institutional frameworks (e.g. Aseye and Opoku, 2015 ; Booyens, 2010 ; Chege and Mwisukha, 2013 ; Rusata et al. 2023 ).

Furthermore, the success of slum tourism largely depends on local community engagement (Duarte and Peters, 2012 ). Yet, in many cases, such as in India (Slikker and Koens, 2015 ), Kenya (Kieti and Magio, 2013 ), Brazil (Freire-Medeiros, 2012 ), and elsewhere, local residents’ participation is limited. Various factors contribute to this, including inadequate business knowledge and skills, and social and financial barriers (Dzikiti and Leonard, 2016 ; Hammad, 2021 ; Leonard and Dladla, 2020 ). Addressing this, researchers emphasize the need for tourism-specific training and resources for local entrepreneurs, particularly focusing on youth (Dzikiti and Leonard, 2016 ; Mbane and Ezeuduji, 2022 ; Nkemngu, 2014 ). To leverage slum tourism for community development, equipping locals with the skills and tools for effective tourism participation is crucial, though it remains a challenging goal.

Conclusion and future research agenda

Over the past two decades, “slum tourism” and its academic study have expanded significantly. Our systematic review of 122 peer-reviewed journal articles sheds light on key authors and journals in this field. The most cited journals typically specialize in tourism studies or geography/urban studies, underscoring the blend of travel motivations and urban complexities in slum tourism. Our findings show that South Africa, India, and Brazil are the most researched countries, with others like Kenya, Mexico, Colombia, Egypt, and Indonesia also being significant. The keyword co-occurrence analysis identified three primary research areas: the touristic transformation of urban informal settlements, the portrayal and valorization of urban poverty, and the socio-economic impacts of slum tourism. This study not only outlines the scope of current research but also points out gaps, suggesting that the economic, social, and cultural effects of slum tourism warrant further exploration in future studies.

The economic aspects of slum tourism, widely debated in academic circles, pose unanswered questions about the actual financial benefits for local residents and communities. Frenzel and Koens ( 2012 ) noted a lack of quantitative evaluations, leaving the impact of slum tours on poverty reduction and urban development uncertain. Existing research, primarily qualitative involving interviews, ethnography, media content analysis, and stakeholder surveys, fails to adequately measure the economic impact on informal settlements. Although studies like those by Chege and Mwisukha ( 2013 ) and Potgieter et al. ( 2019 ) indicated resident perceptions of slum tourism as a source of income and employment, these lack concrete statistical backing. The financial dynamics of slum tourism, including the economic leakage stemming from reliance on external and foreign support (Frenzel and Blakeman, 2015 ; Meschkank, 2012 ; Rolfes, 2010 ), warrant more in-depth investigation. Future research should focus on tracing profit distribution in slum tourism and assessing its real effects on the communities, considering the prominent role of local guides and their relationships with tour operators.

The intangible impacts of slum tourism, including social, political, and cultural aspects, are a fertile area for future research. Shifting focus to local residents’ views, recent studies have shown slum tourism’s broad influence beyond just economic factors, notably in changing perceptions of poverty. However, as Koens ( 2012 ) pointed out, evaluating these impacts is complex due to the deep social and historical contexts within these communities. Advocates for authentic local engagement, like Slikker and Koens ( 2015 ) and Freire-Medeiros ( 2012 ), emphasized the importance of giving local residents a voice. Muldoon’s research ( 2020 ; Muldoon and Mair, 2022 ) in South Africa demonstrates how township tourism allows locals to redefine their identities and interactions with tourists. On the other hand, Freire-Medeiros ( 2012 ) noted in Brazil’s Rocinha the possibility of residents altering narratives for tourist appeal. This highlights the need to integrate the genuine experiences of locals into slum tourism research to fully grasp its diverse impacts.

The potential for slum tourism to either reinforce or challenge existing power dynamics and stereotypes represents a dynamic area of ongoing debate, ripe for further theoretical exploration. Slum tourism is emblematic of neoliberal capitalist practices, where the lived experiences of marginalized communities are commodified and consumed predominantly by Western tourists. This pattern aligns with David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession,” where the exploitation and aestheticization of poverty serve to reinforce global economic disparities (Harvey, 2003 ). By transforming informal settlements into tourist attractions, slum tourism becomes a mechanism of cultural commodification, packaging poverty-stricken environments for sale and perpetuating a global hierarchy that privileges affluent tourists while marginalizing local residents.

The representation of informal settlements within this tourism framework often involves selective storytelling, echoing Edward Said’s notion of “Orientalism.” This process portrays the “Other” in ways that reinforce Western superiority and exoticize non-Western realities, contributing to the perpetuation of stereotypes and obscuring the systemic causes of poverty (Said, 2003 ). Such portrayals often sanitize the harsh realities of poverty, presenting informal settlements as exotic and intriguing destinations, thus skewing the understanding of global inequalities and framing poverty more as a cultural artifact than an urgent social issue.

Conversely, slum tourism holds potential to challenge and subvert these entrenched power dynamics and stereotypes. When approached through the lens of ethical representation, it becomes a platform that amplifies marginalized voices and promotes more equitable narratives. This approach is deeply rooted in theories of participatory development and empowerment, which argue that local communities should be active agents in shaping their own narratives, rather than passive subjects (Dürr et al. 2021 ; Frenzel, 2014 ). Employing local guides and focusing on authentic narratives that highlight both the challenges and resilience of informal settlement residents can provide a counter-narrative to dominant discourses, promoting a more nuanced and respectful understanding of these communities.

The role of social media in slum tourism highlights the significance of digital globalization in shaping narratives. Social media platforms provide avenues for local residents to share their perspectives, thereby democratizing the discourse and challenging stereotypical representations (Sarrica et al. 2021 ). This aligns with the ethics of representation, advocating for portrayals that respect the dignity and agency of marginalized communities (Crapolicchio et al. 2022 ). By enabling a more participatory and inclusive approach, social media can help mitigate the voyeuristic tendencies of slum tourism and foster a more ethical engagement with these communities.

Another prominent takeaway from this systematic literature review is the observation that the practice, perception, and success of slum tourism vary significantly across different cultural and geographical contexts. In Brazil, for instance, the favelas of Rio de Janeiro have been transformed into tourist destinations, influenced not only by their portrayal in internationally acclaimed films but also by the mega-events hosted in the city. This phenomenon has led to a form of tourism that often celebrates the cultural vibrancy of these areas, despite underlying issues of poverty and inequality. Conversely, in India, Mumbai’s Dharavi is marketed as a hub of entrepreneurship and industry, attracting tourists more interested in the economic dynamics of informal settlement life than in cultural spectacle alone. These differences illustrate how local contexts shape the thematic emphasis of slum tours.

However, the ability to develop slum or pro-poor tourism is not uniformly distributed. Many areas lack the necessary infrastructure, adequate security, or appealing tourist attractions, which impedes their ability to attract and sustain tourism. For instance, some townships in Durban, South Africa, and informal settlements in Harare, Zimbabwe, contend with issues such as poor security and insufficient infrastructure, making them less appealing to tourists and challenging to market as destinations (Chili, 2015 ; Mukoroverwa and Chiutsi, 2018 ). This disparity highlights the uneven impacts of global tourism trends on local communities and points to the necessity for ethical and sustainable tourism practices in urban settings marked by significant socio-economic divides.

To enhance our understanding of slum tourism dynamics and to devise more effective interventions, it is crucial to undertake further comparative studies. These studies should delve into why certain areas are successful in developing tourism that benefits local communities while others falter, considering both global influences and local conditions. Such research is imperative for uncovering the potential of tourism as a tool for social and economic improvement in marginalized urban areas and contributes significantly to the broader discourse on globalization, urban inequality, and sustainable development.

In this vein, a pivotal area for future research is transforming “slum tourism” into a form of responsible tourism that transcends the poverty-centric narrative often associated with terms like “slum,” “township,” and “favela” (Burgold and Rolfes, 2013 ; Rolfes, 2010 ; Steinbrink et al. 2012 ). While it is valuable to highlight the cultural and historical aspects of these communities, such portrayals frequently overlook the entrenched structural inequality and violence that pervade these areas. Furthermore, tourism often concentrates only on well-known locations, ignoring the most impoverished and lesser-known settlements, thus raising questions about the applicability of sustainable development strategies in these marginalized areas (Frenzel, 2013 ). It is essential that future research explores how slum tourism can truly benefit residents and address broader socio-economic challenges, ensuring it evolves into a form of responsible tourism.

This shift towards responsible slum tourism necessitates a comprehensive emphasis on ethical considerations, community involvement, and sustainable economic benefits for local residents. Ethical considerations must encompass respect for the dignity and agency of the communities involved, eschewing exploitative practices that commodify poverty for tourist consumption. Community involvement is imperative, as it enables residents to influence how their neighborhoods are portrayed and ensure their central participation in both managing and benefiting from tourism initiatives. This might include training local guides, engaging residents in creating tour content, and allocating a substantial share of tourism revenues back into the community.

Furthermore, ensuring sustainable economic benefits for residents is fundamental to responsible slum tourism. This involves fostering tourism that generates reliable income opportunities for locals, such as through establishing small businesses or cooperative ventures tailored to the tourism industry. Potential enterprises could include local eateries, souvenir shops, and accommodation services, all managed and operated by community members. Investment in infrastructure improvements that support tourism activities and simultaneously enhance resident quality of life is also crucial. Additionally, it is essential to implement mechanisms to track the flow of financial benefits to ensure that the revenue generated by tourism is indeed benefiting the local communities as intended.

The data collection for this study, completed in August 2023, revealed a notable gap: the lack of research on the impact of the COVID pandemic on slum tourism, despite the pandemic lasting three years. The pandemic has disproportionately affected informal settlement dwellers, as evidenced by Seddiky et al. ( 2023 ). For instance, Bangkok’s informal settlement residents have suffered significant economic hardships (Pongutta et al. 2021 ), and containment measures have led to widespread business closures, impacting low-income, daily wage earners in impoverished communities (Solymári et al. 2022 ). This absence of academic focus on COVID’s specific impact on slum tourism marks a limitation in current literature. The pandemic’s disruption of travel presents an opportunity to reassess and develop more sustainable tourism practices that could benefit residents in impoverished areas.

Additionally, this study’s focus on slum tourism in the Global South overlooks the re-emerging field of slum or poverty tourism in the Global North. For instance, Burgold ( 2014 ) explored guided walking tours in Berlin-Neukölln, an area known for poverty and social issues, contrasting them with traditional tourism and highlighting their role in changing perceptions and aiding local residents’ societal integration. Similarly, “homeless experience” tours in cities like Toronto, London, Amsterdam, and Seattle offer insights into the lives of homeless individuals (Haven Toronto, 2018 ; Kassam, 2013 ). These tours, as controversial in the Global North as in the South, raise ethical concerns about commodifying poverty. Proponents see them as empathy-building, while critics view them as exploitative. The dynamics of poverty tours vary between developed and less developed countries, presenting a potential area for future comparative research.

“Slum tourism,” a relatively new research field, reflects the complexities of rapid urbanization and the North-South power dynamics in a globalized era. The current study offers a comprehensive, longitudinal perspective on slum tourism research, charting future directions for scholarly inquiry. It also provides valuable insights for practitioners to reassess the role of tourism in poverty alleviation within urban informal settlements in the Global South. For public policy, this research is instrumental in shaping strategies for urban development, poverty alleviation, and sustainable tourism, advocating for the integration of informal settlements into wider economic frameworks. Academically, it enriches the existing body of knowledge, spurring interdisciplinary research and delving into lesser-explored aspects of slum tourism. Additionally, by shedding light on the effects of tourism in these communities, the study promotes more informed, respectful, and responsible tourist behavior, encouraging travelers to adopt a more empathetic and culturally sensitive approach.

Data availability

The data supporting the findings of this study are available in an uploaded CSV file.

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Gui, T., Zhong, W. When urban poverty becomes a tourist attraction: a systematic review of slum tourism research. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 11 , 1178 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-03696-w

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The Tourism Effect: Reshaping Cities, Landscapes, and Infrastructure

• Written by Olivia Poston
• Published on September 10, 2024

This summer, over one million visitors, spectators, and athletes are expected to gather in the streets of Paris for the 2024 Summer Olympic Games . The preparation for the event included massive investments into upgrading infrastructure, venues, and public spaces throughout the city and country. In addition to the restoration of Grande New de I'Île-des-Vannes venue , the Georges-Callerey Swimming Pool, and the Poissonniers Sports Center , the city has revealed new typologies of public services and a master plan for the Olympic Athletes Village by Dominique Perrault Architecture .

While the event of the 2024 Summer Olympics will garner an incredible amount of attention, Paris is not the only city that is bracing for a strained season of tourism this year. Venice continues to navigate a tumultuous relationship with the negative effects of over-tourism, the residents of Barcelona are voicing their concerns of displacement and economic exploitation, and cities throughout Southeast Asia continue to see correlating numbers of tourists and biodiversity loss. The impacts of over-tourism, cultural commodification, and environmental harm from tourism development are universal concerns, shared by dense urban centers and rural communities alike.

Fortunately, there are many creative designers, planners, and policymakers who integrate spaces and networks of tourism into the built environment with the support of the local residents. Since the development of tourism undeniably impacts the infrastructure, planning, economy, and local ecology of the surrounding environment, there is a unique opportunity to invest in the public spaces and infrastructures of the existing context.

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Complementing historic monuments with contemporary architecture.

Sitting at the foot of the Athens Acropolis, the New Acropolis Museum , designed by Bernard Tschumi Architects , bridges multiple key archeological sites in modern-day Athens to the iconic campus of the Greek Acropolis. Acting as a narrative aid to the Parthenon, the exhibition space of the museum unites collections spanning thousands of years to tell a story of human presence on the Acropolis. Without attempting to overshadow the presence of the Parthenon on the Acropolis, the museum injects a historical, social, and cultural context of the site throughout the years of development and evolution, enhancing the iconic environment of contemporary Athens.

Urban environments are in constant states of change. By blending contemporary architectural moments with historical monuments, designers and planners can maintain a cohesive urban fabric to elevate the image of the city. Although contemporary architectural spaces contrast with historically preserved monuments, such as the Athens Acropolis, this form of architectural intervention prevents spatial fragmentation into strictly old versus new areas of the city. When coupled with contemporary projects, historic monuments are not frozen in time, but become relevant, functional, and engaged with the current cultural and technological contexts.

Unified Images in Tourism Networks

Completed in 2016, the network of tourism pavilions throughout the capital city of Madrid are strategically situated to complement the sites with the greatest traffic from tourism crowds. Designed by the offices of Irene Brea and José Manuel Sanz Arquitectos , the iconic form of the pavilion series is quickly recognizable to the visitor in need of direction, guidance, or information, but the materiality seamlessly blends into the existing fabric of the city. Adhering to the primary guiding design principles of transparency and lightness, those in the interior of the centers are included in the activity of the city while the passing pedestrians can interact with the workers and information on the inside.

Without a clear vision for the visitor experience of discovering the city, the tourist will tire easily, become disoriented, or grow disengaged, altogether. The opportunity to design a network of pavilions throughout the urban environment transforms the purposes of the architectural spaces from strictly informative purposes, to a unified network for rest, orientation, and energy. By ensuring that the day of sightseeing, walking, and wandering through the city is cohesive and enjoyable, a tourism network can encourage longer stays and leave a positive lasting impression of the city and its sites.

Serving Local Communities through Tourism

Located in the small village of Pai Town in Linzhi, the southeastern part of Tibet autonomous region , the Tibet Namchabawa Visitor Center celebrates the cultural history of the village and the extraordinary beauty of the Mount Namchabawa and Yaluntzangpu Grand Canyon. While servicing the backpackers that embark on the networks of hiking, the Visitor Center has transformed into a "town center" for the residents, as well. While the design team of standard architecture included necessary elements to service the backpacking travelers, such as a supply store, medical aid, and a reception desk, the town center holds a water reservation tank and a central electrical switch house for the residents of the village. While fulfilling the needs of the visitor, the design team successfully elevated the quality of life for the permanent residents of the Yaluntzangpu Canyon region.

From examples in Barcelona, Paris , and countless others, the tourism industry can exacerbate existing inequalities if the benefits, resources, and profits from welcoming visitors are not distributed well among the existing residents. By including the community members in the planning and design processes, the conversation will include a sustainable approach to distributing resources. Since the local community has a profound understanding of the cultural and ecological context, they are valuable stakeholders to ensure that development is sustainable and responsible. If the residents are able to shape the strategies for development in conjunction with tourism, there is a lower risk of cultural exploitation, displacement from gentrification, and environmental degradation. These enhancements to the tourism industry can act as an opportunity to serve the needs of the community when meaningfully included in the design and planning stages.

Short-term visions for tourism development will amplify the negative consequences of over-tourism, fragmented city planning, environmental degradation, cultural commodification, and an increased pressure on local resources. The goal of architecture and infrastructure serving these tourism developments should not be concentrated on a singular event or experience, but rather on how to strengthen the relationship between the visitor, the resident, and the environment. In this context, the impact of design and planning decisions extends far beyond the original program of promoting a tourism event or experience. There is an opportunity with developing networks and sites of tourism to integrate local knowledge, invest in the infrastructure or local neighborhoods for the area, and build resilient communities.

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Impacts and Benefits of Tourism in Society

Impacts and benefits of tourism in society, provides a brief explanation of how tourism is currently one of the sectors of the economy that has more growth, both economically and socially. Being such an important activity in these times, it brings a series of impacts and benefits, both environmentally and culturally, since it involves the communities. Even ecotourism benefits communities that are poor in economic resources but rich in biodiversity, environmental resources and indigenous culture. These resources attract a large number of tourists who are little interested in conventional tourism, and who are more closely disposed to the environmental and cultural activity of a particular region. To understand a little more about what ecotourism is, an explanation will initially be given about what tourism activity implies.

Tourism is defined as the activity carried out by people when they move from their usual place of residence with leisure, entertainment or other reasons and who do not intend to engage in remunerated activities in the place they visit.

Tourism has become in the last decades an important activity in the economic sector, since it generates employment, exports and investment of companies specialized in offering recreation and travel services. Jorge Chávez de la Peña, writer of the book Cultural Biodiversity and Ecotourism states: “In this century, tourism as a social phenomenon already encompasses all areas of human endeavor and has a significant influence on the development of many countries, both European and international. eternally called in the way of development “.

One of the effects that tourism provides is the generation of employment, investment in regions considered low economic resources, but with cultural diversity and biodiversity.

“Tourism is defined as the activity carried out by people when they move from their usual place of residence with leisure, entertainment or other reasons and who do not intend to engage in remunerated activities in the place they visit”.

Similarly, environmental deterioration is also one of the most important in this century, and therefore all activity and tourism must be done as recommended by the World Tourism Organization (WTO), which says that all tourism must be done in a sustainable and with awareness of care for the environment where it is practiced. The environmental problem in which the world finds itself at the moment is so serious, that there is no human activity that should not consider this problem and take measures to avoid further deterioration in the environment.

The main raw material of tourism, are the tourist attractions of a region and offer visitors a unique experience that allows changing the monotony of people and meet the expectations they have on a certain culture, place and ecosystem. The development of tourism promotes the constructions that allow to exercise the tourist activity, as they are hotels, roads, restaurants among others. These constructions seek to supply the needs of the visitors and generate economic impact on the locals, since the value of the land increases and it also generates the creation of numerous jobs in the areas with the greatest attraction and influx of visitors.

As tourism is a booming and growing activity, it generates both economic, environmental and sociocultural impacts.

Impacts of the Tourist Activity

Positive and negative impacts at the economic level.

Since tourism depends to a large extent on the human factor, it generates the creation of new jobs. In addition, the demand for local goods increases, the value of housing increases and, in general, the land where tourist activity is generated. It also generates investment, and improvement in the economy of the region.

Tourism also has negative impacts, such as monopoly by companies, low participation or none from the country of destination; Tourism is a seasonal economic activity, little or no tourism training for the population results in the contraction of unqualified personnel and thus the distribution of income is affected as it is not equitable.

“Tourism also brings negative impacts such as, monopoly by companies, low participation or none of the country of destination”.

Positive and Negative Impacts at a Socioeconomic Level

Tourism can stimulate interest in one’s own culture due to its traditions and customs, the recovery of cultural identity, cultural exchange and modernization of cultures.

Tourism can also generate culturation of the destination: since the contact of locals with visitors can lead to adaptation to the customs of visitors and the disappearance of their own culture. Even socioeconomic differences between visitors and locals can influence the increase in crime, prostitution, gambling and conflicts caused by drug addiction.

Positive and Negative Environmental Impacts

The positive impacts that ecotourism brings are: The rational use of nature, environmental education for tourists and residents, the conservation of ecosystems, although on several occasions tourism brings problems to the environment such as, for example, the saturation of strategic ecosystems, pollution, erosion and destruction of ecosystems as well as visual impact. Sometimes not having an awareness of the problems that can be created and alter an ecosystem, even leads companies providing tourism services to make constructions and modifications of the environment to provide a particular service.

“As tourism is a booming and growing activity, it generates both economic, environmental and sociocultural impacts”.

The destruction of ecosystems is due to the massive presence of visitors, since for many years the only thing that was taken into account when exploiting an area to exercise tourism was the enrichment of the people involved in the sector. Currently that has changed thanks to the emergence of ecotourism, or also called sustainable tourism, which seeks the least impact on the environment and its alteration.

Currently conventional tourism or also called mass tourism has been replaced by other motivations of other types of tourism. Since conventional tourism is characterized by having the following impacts:

Over-saturation of the cargo capacity of the destinations (congestion, lack of resources, discomfort in the residents). Little respect towards the environment and towards the landscape.

Currently, a tourist development that is in harmony with the environment is tried. That implies respect towards the environment where it is located, accentuates the interest for the best preserved spaces.

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The Misunderstood Rise of Anti-Tourism in Europe

The dichotomy of different individuals’ experiences when a popular city surges with tourism is striking. For the vacationer, the experience is full of excitement: a chance to forget the tensions in their home city, visit the most scenic places in the world, meet the locals, and eat new foods. For the residents of the tourist city, recent sentiment suggests a completely different experience: a lack of housing, adequate infrastructure, and essential materials , as well as excessive pollution .

As a result, there has been a rise in protests across Europe by local residents of the most famous destinations in the world, including the Canary Islands, Malaga, Barcelona, Venice, and Amsterdam. Notably, in the midst of these protests and rising resentment towards tourists, data reveal that in the first quarter of 2024, international travel to Europe was 7.2 percent higher than it was before the pandemic, with a total of 120 million international visitors.

This situation presents an interesting crossroads: local residents want to decrease the volume of tourists traveling to their countries, but this volume is growing rapidly. Two stakeholders with conflicting incentives head towards an inevitable collision.

A Historical Perspective on Tourism

The history of tourism in Europe provides valuable insights into this phenomenon.

Historically, tourist cities wanted to incentivize as many tourists to visit as possible—after all, the more tourists, the more revenue. For example, Venice heavily promoted itself as a tourist destination, especially starting in the 1980s. Luxury hotels were developed and international festivals were held in the city to attract people from around the world. The same story is true for the Canary Islands. Dynamic digital ads disseminated across the United Kingdom, Germany, and other nations sought to attract more individuals to the Islands. Tourism was encouraged in European cities because it served as a major part of Europe’s economic activity, encompassing hotels, restaurants, guides, goods, and more.

In fact, for the Canary Islands , 35 percent of overall GDP and 40 percent of jobs in 2022 came directly from tourism and its related businesses, which contributed over 16.9 billion euros (about US$18.7 billion) in revenue that year. For the entirety of Spain, which has seen many “anti-tourism” protests, 12.8 percent of national GDP came from tourism in 2023. Similarly, tourism constituted 10.5 percent of Italy’s national GDP in 2023 and contributed 215 billion euros (about US$238 billion) to the economy. In Venice, 25,000 Venetians were employed in the tourism industry in 2020; for context, in 2020, only 51,208 Venetians lived in the historical heart of Venice, with 177,759 on the mainland.

If tourism bolsters the economies of many European countries, why are local residents protesting?

Protest Activity Before and After COVID-19

There are two different eras of protests with similar sentiments but different intensities: before and after COVID-19.

Before the pandemic, protests had already started in various regions in Europe, especially across Spain, as tourism flourished. One of the most notable protests took place in the Spanish island of Mallorca in August 2019 when a radical youth group called Arran vandalized rental cars by smashing windshields, cutting tires, and spray-painting the Catalan phrase “ tourism massiu o veïnes ” (“mass tourism or neighbors”) across cars. The rationale behind the protest was anger at tourists' complicity in pollution, as Arran blamed pollution problems on rental cars used by tourists. Prior to this protest, members of Arran chained themselves to the Gaudi sculpture in Barcelona to advocate for better conditions for local workers, who they believed were getting exploited and receiving extremely low pay.

Then, COVID-19 hit, momentarily halting tourist activity around the world. During the pandemic, European travel by non-European tourists decreased by around 70 percent. Many predicted that a lack of tourism during the pandemic would ruin the livelihood of many residents in tourist cities—World Travel and Tourism Council forecasted that millions of jobs would be lost. These predictions were not incorrect; from 2019 to 2020, 4.9 million jobs in tourism and travel were lost in Europe. However, an unexpected silver lining accompanied expected economic losses: the lack of tourism in Europe gave European residents the chance to experience their cities without constant tourism. In Venice , this pause allowed individuals to realize the benefits of a quieter life without mass tourism and its consequences, such as higher pollution. As one Venetian noted : “Here in Venice, of course, we felt it even more [than most places], because walking through the streets, through the squares, through Piazza San Marco without encountering a living soul…is certainly an extraordinary experience that has made us rediscover many things about this city and the dynamics of slowness.”

Since the world phased out isolationary measures, tourism in many European countries has not only recovered, but also surged past pre-pandemic levels. For example, Spain received 42.5 million tourists in the first six months of 2024, reflecting increases of 11.5 and 13.3 percent from the same six-month periods in 2019 and 2023, respectively. In Portugal, France, and Italy, international tourist arrivals in 2023 reflected increases of 12.1, 7.8, and 4.4 percent, respectively, from pre-pandemic 2019 levels.

In response, protests erupted again across Europe, most notably in Spain. Along with many other Spanish territories and regions, Cadiz and Lanzaraote joined in on the protests. In Cadiz, a new activist group called Cadiz Resiste even wrote a manifesto to explain its rationale and desires: “Cadiz Resiste was born from exhaustion, from contained rage in the face of a very palpable fact: [tourists] are stealing our city, our neighborhoods and businesses, the very possibility of making a life in Cadiz. What is at stake is our own identity.”  Similarly, in Barcelona last month, members of the protest group Assemblea de Barris pel Decreixement Turístic (Neighborhood Assembly for Tourism Degrowth) published a 13-point manifesto, which demanded restrictions on tourist hotels, cruise access, and tourism advertising. The highly organized, ideological nature of these protests suggest an increase in intensity from pre-pandemic examples.

Sources of Resentment

The overarching reasons behind the protests are similar across Europe: inaccessible housing, excessive pollution, scarce essential services and resources, and a general lack of adequate infrastructure.

On the housing front, two critical, complementary concerns have been voiced: the first is that housing is scarce and is slowly being converted to tourist accommodations, and the second is unaffordable rent. In Venice, reports indicate that there are now more tourist beds than local residents within the city. In Malaga , residents are being priced out of their long-term housing by their landlords, who seek to profit by converting the housing to short-term rentals; this situation has forced some local residents to begin living in their cars. Many of these individuals are essential workers —including teachers, healthcare providers, and police officers—who are responsible for the city operating efficiently. In Ibiza , one of the Balearic islands, the police force is struggling to retain enough officers because it is unable to attract new recruits due to a lack of housing. Even for individuals who are able to find housing, they often end up cramped with other roommates and having to pay rapidly growing rent.

In terms of pollution, residents have recently begun advocating for more sustainable practices that protect natural resources, the environment, local infrastructure, and historical sites. In Venice, demonstrators demanded a ban on the usage of loudspeakers to reduce noise pollution and stricter regulations of activity in the Grand Canal since large ships erode the foundations and cause pollution. These demands materialized , and the government implemented regulations to alleviate some of citizens’ concerns. However, these concerns persist throughout Europe. For example, for the 2024 Olympics in Paris, at least 9.5 million individuals purchased tickets to attend the Games in a city with only 11.3 million residents. Many local residents even planned to defecate in the Seine in protest of the river’s pollution, which has repeatedly been proven by bacterial tests. This protest was ultimately canceled after the announcement of snap elections, but it still evidences widespread anti-tourism grievances among locals.

Protestors have also argued that they are unable to sustain their livelihoods because of a lack of necessary stores and resources. In addition to a lack of essential services because of unaffordable housing for workers, residents often struggle to find stores that serve their needs. For example, in Malaga , locals cannot find hardware stores because these stores do not profit from tourism. Similarly, in Lanzarote , there is concern about the lack of water available for agriculture and, more importantly, consumption. The influx of tourists has incentivized the prioritization of tourist attractions and goods over the provision of necessary resources for permanent residents.

Protestors’ Desires and the Future

Many residents’ concerns are not a product of tourism, but rather of over-tourism. From a lack of housing to inaccessible services and resources , the issues do not seem to stem from the direct actions of individual tourists, but rather from locals’ objections to systematic changes to their communities designed to accommodate and profit from tourism. This sentiment has been expressed throughout the protests as residents in various cities argue for a more “ sustainable model ” of tourism and attempt to clarify that they are against the concept of “ deregulated mass tourism ,” not tourism in general.  

Though there are clear economic benefits from the tourism industry—as evidenced by the share of GDP for which tourism accounts in many regions and cities across Europe— protestors believe there is a level at which it becomes unsustainable, both in terms of depletion of critical resources and degradation of local residents’ standard of living. To many, that level has been reached.

In the face of growing demands, governments in Europe have attempted to curtail the discontent by implementing regulations. However, these policies sometimes do not yield the intended effects. In Venice , the government put a daily tax on visitors to limit over-tourism and to earn revenue. However, the residents collectively began to oppose the tax, claiming that the city tax converts Venice into an “amusement park” and arguing that the tax does not disincentivize anyone from visiting. More importantly, protestors are worried about the usage of the tax revenue and fear that it will be used to market the city and attract even more tourists instead of being used to alleviate the pressures plaguing residents on a daily basis.

The protestors want to implement effective changes to the government management style. Instead of their needs and preferences being considered after the wants of tourists, residents emphasize that their livelihoods should take priority in policymaking. Locals want tourism to benefit their own lives as well. In certain places, such change is gradually developing. Cities like Barcelona have begun cracking down on illegal short-term rentals, restricting large groups in certain areas, and removing some bus routes in order to protect elderly individuals. However, the process of effective change is slow: regulations change short-term actions, but shifting the culture of tourism is a long-term endeavor.

Given that tourists are increasingly fearful of traveling to certain cities because of the threat posed by protestors, governments are facing increased pressures to enact changes that consider residents’ needs.

Ultimately, locals’ grievances reflect not anti-tourism sentiment, but rather anti-management sentiment.

Umang Vinayaka

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