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Judas Priest announce more Invincible Shield tour dates

Posted: November 14, 2023 | Last updated: November 14, 2023

Judas Priest have announced a series of US shows for April/May in support of next year's Invincible Shield album.

Set for release on March 8 via Sony Music, Invincible Shield , the follow-up to 2018's Firepower album, will be the metal gods' 19th studio collection. Priest have already offered a taste of the album with the release of its first single, Panic Attack . They will release a second single from the album, Trial By Fire , on Friday, November 17.

The band's US tour in support of the record kicks off on April 18, 20024 at Toyota Oakdale Theatre in Wallingford, Connecticut, and runs through to May 22, closing at the Empower Federal Credit Union Amphitheater at Lakeview in Syracuse, New York.

The Invincible Shield US tour will call at:

Apr 18: Wallingford Toyota Oakdale Theatre, CT

Apr 19: Newark Prudential Center, NJ

Apr 21: Reading Santander Arena, PA

Apr 24: Bangor Cross Insurance Center, ME

Apr 25: Boston MGM Music Hall at Fenway, MA

Apr 27: Youngstown Covelli Center, OH

Apr 28: Indianapolis Everwise Amphitheater at White River, IN

May 01: Rosemont Rosemont Theatre, IL

May 02: Minneapolis The Armory, MN

May 04: Kalamazoo Wings Event Center, MI

May 05: Maryland Heights St Louis Music Park, MO

May 07: Huntsville VBC Propst Arena, AL

May 09: Daytona Welcome to Rockville, FL (festival show)

May 11: Alpharetta Ameris Bank Amphitheatre, GA

May 12: Mobile Mobile Civic Center Arena, AL

May 14: Charlotte PNC Music Pavilion, NC

May 17: Evansville Ford Center, IN

May 19: Washington, DC The Theater at MGM National Harbor

May 21: Albany MVP Arena, NY

May 22: Syracuse Empower Federal Credit Union Amphitheater at Lakeview, NY

Tickets will be available starting with an artist presale beginning on Wednesday, November 15. Additional presales will run throughout the week ahead of the general on-sale on Friday, November 17 at 10am local time.

Priest have already announced UK and European shows in support of the album, as follows:

Mar 11: Glasgow OVO Hydro, UK

Mar 13: Leeds First Direct Arena, UK

Mar 15: Dublin 2 Arena, Ireland

Mar 17: Bournemouth International Arena, UK

Mar 19: Birmingham Resorts World Arena, UK

Mar 21: London OVO Arena Wembley, UK

Mar 24: Frankfurt Festhalle, Germany

Mar 25: Munich Olympiastadion, Germany

Mar 27: Dortmund Westfalenhalle, Germany

Mar 29: Prague O2 Arena, Czechia

Mar 30: Krakow Tauron Arena, Poland

Apr 01: Vienna Wiener Stadthalle, Austria

Apr 03: Basel St Jakobshalle, Switzerland

Apr 05: Lyon Halle Tony Garnier, France

Apr 06: Assago Mediolanum Forum, Italy

Apr 08: Paris Zenith, France

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In a distressing world, moments of beauty seem elusive. I found one in a Sydney theatre

With the lights turned off, an audience at a Tim Minchin concert united for a song, sheltering from the inhumanity and division outside

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Given humankind’s recent showcasing of its infinite capacity to inflict misery upon itself, joy sometimes seems so elusive as to be borderline extinct.

It sometimes feels near impossible to find moments of beauty, let alone a line of them, in such a distressing world. And, so, given that beauty may now be a unicorn, questing for it with earnest intent seems like something of a self-defeating enervation in itself.

Better to wait and be surprised, perhaps, when the longed-for golden moment happens to present itself, when the magic works its mysterious alchemy and ushers it our way when we least expect.

Social cohesion is under threat . We are fragmenting. Silo-ing. In such a divided world, crowds can feel confronting and uncertain, even in such a comparatively peaceful and complacent country as this. Who knows what match (in the form of incendiary comment or interjection) thrown from left or right stage, will ignite the tinder?

The crowd late last week at Sydney’s majestic, beautifully ornate State theatre was ready to be entertained by composer-musician-singer-comedian Tim Minchin . Levity and, yes, sage, calm perspective, was certainly in order. The anticipation among punters was for the trademark unique combination of light and erudition that has become this beloved entertainer’s hallmark over decades.

He spoke early in the concert about his mother and how he’d visited her at home in Perth as often as possible since the pandemic lockdowns. She’d been diagnosed with a terminal illness a few years ago, had outlived the nine-month prognosis and he’d wanted to spend as much time as possible with her.

On one such visit he was granted access to his old school’s grand piano in the chapel, so he could practice back catalogue tunes ahead of a looming trip to London. He’d have ‘til 1pm, he was told, when there’d be a funeral in the chapel.

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Between songs he bantered a lot about family. About his parents, who’d been together for as good as ever. About his brother and a cousin Lucy who he’d long ago written a song for. And then more about his mum and dad.

And then, very late in the show, he said his mum had died just two days beforehand. They’d now be the 1pm in that old school chapel.

Given the audience demographic, losing a parent was relatable. Sharing the experience so widely, perhaps not. No wonder there was such an audible collective audience gasp of empathy. And, yes, admiration that the entertainer could appear on stage at all in the grip of such grief, let alone produce a show so very poignant and, yes, at times extremely funny. For the laughter had already come as a tonic to the anguish people were feeling.

The entertainer’s loss seemed keener as he prepared to play his beautifully ironic paean to Christmas, White Wine in the Sun , in which he’d be seeing his dad, brother and sisters, “my gran and my mum’’. The characters of the song, he mused, would keep dying.

That’s the thing about life. It begins with gains and becomes a series of losses until the ultimate one.

He encored. And that’s where the real magic – the unicorn – was bequeathed to us.

It was a cover of Leonard Cohen’s Hallelujah , but the crowd, he insisted swearily, would have to sing the chorus.

The theatre lights were turned off. Darkness seemed to sharpen the acoustic experience, especially around the chorus – perhaps 2,000 people singing softly, surprisingly tunefully, “hallelujah”. I can’t sing. So I shut my eyes and listened to this remarkable gift. It was a serene, almost otherworldly series of moments. A line of beauty cocooned from the inhumanity, division and anguish outside the theatre doors.

There were wet eyes and sniffles as the theatre cleared. Something profound had happened. It’s hard to explain. I’m not sure anyone experienced joy.

It was more, I think, an experience of faith. Faith that, despite it all, beauty may still happen.

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‘The Very First Night’ and ‘Labyrinth’ Get Live Debuts as Taylor Swift Resumes Eras Tour

By Larisha Paul

Larisha Paul

The Eras tour has resumed after a nearly three-month-long break, and with it comes the return of what Swifties have dubbed “surprise song anxiety.” For a little while, they were able to know peace, or at least some version of it — Taylor Swift was still everywhere, from football games at Arrowhead Stadium to Saturday Night Live , during her time off. Picking back up in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on Thursday night, the singer and songwriter treated the audience to the first-ever live performances of “The Very First Night” and “Labyrinth.”

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“The Very First Night” appeared on Red (Taylor’s Version) as one of nine previously unreleased vault tracks included on the record. Swift told the crowd she thought it was a fitting choice given that she was performing the first of three nights at Buenos Aires’ Estadio River Plate. Her second pick, “Labyrinth,” appeared as the tenth track on her tenth studio album, Midnights , released last year.

🎥| @TaylorSwift13 performing "Labyrinth" pic.twitter.com/HiMolioL1C — The Swift Society (@TheSwiftSociety) November 10, 2023

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Earth Wind & Fire, Chicago return to Twin Cities with Xcel Energy Center concert next summer

By Eric Henderson

November 13, 2023 / 2:24 PM CST / CBS Minnesota

ST. PAUL, Minn. — Some of the most famous horn licks in pop music history will once again blast out to fans in the Twin Cities, as Earth, Wind & Fire and Chicago have announced an encore concert date for their joined-at-the-hip tour.

The two bands have toured as a package deal on and off in recent years, at times even trading covers of each other's songs. Now, they're joining forces again for their 2024 "Heart & Soul" tour, which promises more supergroup blowouts.

The concert is scheduled for Saturday, July 13 at Xcel Energy Center in St. Paul , with tickets set to go on sale Friday. The tour will take both bands to 30 different cities next year.

Earth, Wind & Fire and Chicago have collectively sold more than 200 million albums worldwide, and both acts have been inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. Earth, Wind & Fire have also been the recipients of a Kennedy Center Honor .

Earth, Wind & Fire was the brainchild of the late Maurice White, who took his vision of optimism and Black excellence to the top of the charts in the '70s, with such beloved tracks as "That's the Way of the World," "Let's Groove," "After the Love Has Gone," and "Can't Hide Love" still winning them new fans with each passing year. And their infectious dance hit "September" remains one of the most beloved songs of any era, standing at over 1.4 billion streams on Spotify as of this week.

Chicago also ruled the airwaves throughout the '70s and '80s, charging out of the gate with horn-laden standbys as "Saturday in the Park" and "25 or 6 to 4" giving way to such power ballads as "If You Leave Me Now," "You're the Inspiration" and "Look Away."

Both bands have collectively been nominated or won a slew of Grammys, and both are also recipients of the lifetime achievement Grammy Award.

Tickets for their Xcel Energy Center concert go on sale to the general public at 10 a.m. Friday.

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Greg LeMond: Miracles in cycling still don't exist

American talks about Armstrong, mechanical doping and marginal gains in L'Equipe interview

In an often hard hitting but informed interview with the L'Équipe newspaper, for Tour de France winner Greg LeMond has called on the UCI to do more in the fight against mechanical doping, raised questions about Lance Armstrong’s power output at the Tour, and dismissed Team Sky's theory of marginal gains as 'bollocks'.

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Now the only American winner of the Tour de France after Lance Armstrong's lifetime ban for doping, LeMond is back at the Tour de France and is again sharing his analysis and experience with Eurosport television. He spent the Armstrong years almost ostracised from the sport and rarely visited the Tour de France but is happy to be back.

"Armstrong managed to ruin my reputation in the US, I thought that was the case around the world, and I couldn't imagine the very warm welcome I'd receive here in France," LeMond told L'Équipe feature writer Philippe Brunel in the two-page interview.

LeMond denies that he is obsessed with Armstrong but raises further questions about the disgraced Texan and how he managed to produce so much power on the bike and dominate the Tour de France. Although Armstrong has admitted to doping during his career, he has never indicated that he used any other means to win the Tour de France.

"If I have this fascination on Armstrong, it was because he was abusing people, he threatened them, and I like neither cynicism nor the abuse of power. I've always been like that, I've always defended the poor. I have never bought or sold a race. I wanted people to know that," L'Équipe report LeMond as saying.

LeMond's position in the sport and his friendships within the peloton, combined with an understanding of sports science, gave him inside information that helped him understand, often before others, what Armstrong was really like and what lengths he would go to so he could win.

"A former teammate of mine had heard, shortly before the Tour, that he was sure to win because he had an 'undetectable thing' but I took that with a smile because there were so many rumours and suspicion around him. Then in April 2001, at a conference I was present at, his former physician Ed Coyle revealed Armstrong's data; his thoracic capacity - 5.6 litres of oxygen, and especially his VO2 max. To me that was evidence that he had cheated.

"When I raced, I had a VO2 max of 93, and I never developed more than 400 watts. Armstrong’s VO2 max, which Ed Coyle mistakenly revealed, was no more than 78. So, considering his weight - 73 kg, he could never produce 500 watts to ride up the Madonna as he said, or 475 watts on the climb of L'Alpe-d'Huez. With his VO2 max, he couldn't exceed 375 watts. To increase his performance by 30%, he had to dope. But did he achieve his performance only with doping? What doping did he use that others didn't? All I know is that there are 50-70 watts missing, which we don’t know the origin of. There is something that I still do not understand."

Investigating and fighting mechanical doping

Last year during the Giro d'Italia, LeMond told Cyclingnews that the UCI needed to use thermal cameras to detect and deter possible mechanical fraud in the sport. In the interview with L'Équipe, LeMond confirms that he has tried to help in the fight against mechanical doping by informing the UCI. He welcomed the introduction of hidden thermal cameras by the French Sports Ministry at this year’s Tour de France.

"If properly conducted, if they control the frames and also the wheels, it deters potential cheats. It can mean we'll have a true Tour winner in Paris, finally a credible yellow jersey" LeMond said.

"I know a lot about the issue. In 1992, I was one of the first to use an SRM. I learned from (directeur sportif and coach) Cyrille Guimard, Paul Köchli. I still read stuff. We can learn a lot about an athlete by calculating their watts and if you know his VO2 max - which can be manipulated by doping with EPO or blood transfusions."

"There are a lot of rumours, so we must remain cautious. There have been many stories and I was skeptical but soon after, in 2013, I met Stefano Varjas. He made me try a motorized bicycle in Paris. Then I saw him at the Hungarian Grand Prix, with Total engineers, who confirmed that Varjas was brilliant. They also told me they could hide everything, isolating the engine. Varjas also spoke about wheels and that made me think about the problem again."

"The day (I tested the bike in Paris), I wasn't fit, I had a bad back and I had to remove a corset. Stefano lent me some shoes, the saddle was too low, I was in jeans, but then at a red light, I burnt off some motorcycles! Some American tourists saw me go me faster than 60 km/h amongst the buses. In front of Les Invalides, I forgot to turn it off and I almost fell. I had proof that it existed, that it was possible; it made me want to vomit. Fifty watts or more. On a climb that means minutes if not more…."

When Brunel suggests that Varjas has claimed the motors have existed since 1998, LeMond replies: "At first, when they had a very low autonomy of two or three minutes you could only use them for an instant and be devilishly dragged long. Now, could someone use them in the Tour? Why not? That could explain lots of things." If we love cycling, we must defend it

LeMond confirmed that he shared his concerns about mechanical doping with Brian Cookson, as the former head of British Cycling was running for the role of UCI President. Reports of motors and mechanical doping had already surfaced but the UCI had all but given up on using an expensive x-ray technique to try to find them. The UCI has always defended its tablet device but has also began to use a simple thermal camera during the Tour de France and carry out x-rays of bikes after key stages of the race.

"I told him: 'I tried it, it exists, it's a problem,' and he looked surprised. Then I emailed him too and I explained that it was necessary to use thermal cameras to detect the motors," LeMond told L'Équipe.

"If we love cycling, we must defend it. There is nothing worse than doubt. I have to know who is the best, to believe in what I see and I must speak out."

To perform better checks for mechanical doping, LeMond believes that the technology exists to properly fight mechanical doping, even if it costly.

"We could fight it even better with large arches, which cost $ 1.5 million, that's not much in the whole economy of the Tour. It took me two hours to find it on the Internet, so why doesn't the UCI do it?"

Team Sky marginal gains! What bollocks!

In a final question, LeMond was asked about Chris Froome and his high-cadence attack on the slopes of Mont Ventoux in 2013. The attack sparked huge debate last year because of allegations concerning Froome's data during his ride. His speed, power, cadence and heart rate were matched to video footage of the climb and showed that the Team Sky rider's heart rate only changed minimally when he attacked and dropped his rivals.

At the time LeMond preferred not to make a judgement off of one set of data and called for a longitudinal study of power data combined with the biological passport to measure performance. Froome underwent physiological testing last August and published some of his data.

So far in this year's Tour de France, Froome has not pulled off the same dominant attacks, opting to test his rivals on the descents and in cross winds. He has gained the biggest chunk of his overall lead in the individual time trial.

LeMond expressed doubts about Froome's high-cadence attacking style in the L'Équipe interview. "He turned his legs at a high speed, but it's not effective and contrary to all physiological laws," LeMond is reported as saying, also dismissing the idea of Team Sky's marginal gains philosophy.

"You can't get a gap on small gears," LeMond argued.

"The great physiologist Frederick Portoleau showed that when Froome accelerates hard, his heart only shows small variations. This is troubling. What bothers me is hearing some technicians say it's science fiction, which is a kind of misinformation. Others make us believe they are ahead of the best scientists, the famous Team Sky marginal gains! What bollocks! There are no new methodologies. That is wrong. In this area too, miracles do not exist."

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Paul Taylor tour dates 2023 - 2024

Paul Taylor is currently touring across 2 countries and has 15 upcoming concerts.

Their next tour date is at Ritz Theatre in Jacksonville, after that they'll be at The Green Room at Crosstown Arts in Memphis.

Currently touring across

Upcoming concerts (15) See nearest concert

Ritz Theatre

The Green Room at Crosstown Arts

Théâtre Femina

Bourse du Travail

Pasino - Aix-en-Provence

Salle Polyvalente Montfavet

Salle Pasteur, Le Corum

Maison de la Culture

Theatre Michel Portal

Cité des Congrès

Théâtre Sébastopol

Attucks Theatre

Salle Poirel

Zénith Paris - La Villette

The Daytona Jazz Weekend

Past concerts

Impérial Bell

Casino Barrière Toulouse

Salle Erasme, Palais de la Musique et des Congrès

View all past concerts

Recent tour reviews

Saw Paul Taylor in DC years ago with,, he was amazing. This was my first time time seeing him in concert. I live in Raleigh NC now and cannot wait to see him again.

He received standing ovations throughout his performance.

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truly special artist blessed with the ability to touch the soul with his wonderful smooth jazz style..great performer..We love you here in the ATL! will never miss a show..a true pleasure

Paul Taylor is absolutely amazing. I got to hear some of his amazing classics and songs from his last CD. Love❤ Love❤Love❤his lastest CD Countdown. This man just keep getting better. Coming off the stage to serenade the audience, his sound penetrates every essence of your being. I'm still feeling his groove. Thanks Mr. Taylor for a memorable evening❤

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Why a State Department Official Lost Hope in Israel

For more than a decade, Josh Paul helped send American weapons overseas. After the Hamas attack, he resigned in protest of arming the Israeli response.

By Benjamin Wallace-Wells

On October 17th, ten days after Hamas launched its attack on southern Israel , a State Department official named Josh Paul quit his job and posted the resignation letter on LinkedIn. In Washington, sympathy with Israel was near-ubiquitous, and President Joe Biden’s vigorous support for the Israeli government had few public dissenters within the national-security state. This had the effect of drawing extra attention to Paul, who said he was resigning both because he disagreed with what the U.S. had already done to back Israel and because he feared what would likely come next. “I believe to the core of my soul,” Paul wrote, “that the response Israel is taking, and with it the American support for both that response, and for the status quo of the occupation will only lead to more and deeper suffering for both the Israeli and Palestinian people—and is not in the long-term American interest.”

The document spread quickly, and by the start of Israel’s ground invasion of Gaza Paul was being interviewed on CNN, the BBC, PBS, and elsewhere, as the emblem of internal dissent. Shaven-headed and thick-necked, with an unexpected British accent, he spoke with the same clipped, rapid precision with which military spokesmen announce casualty reports. If you set aside what he was saying, he seemed, in appearance and manner, something like the opposite of a peacenik.

He was also a former high-school classmate of mine. I remembered Paul as an intense, outdoorsy teen-ager who had moved from England to New York at the beginning of eighth grade, remained slightly aloof, and then returned to the United Kingdom for college. We had since lost touch, but I still kept track of him—he had gone to Iraq to work with George W. Bush’s Coalition Provisional Authority, then spent the better part of a year in Ramallah, in the West Bank, working for a U.S.-led project to build up the Palestinian Authority’s security forces. Afterward, he spent a decade at the State Department working for the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, also known as P.M., which manages arms transfers to allies and partners, some of which have extensive histories of human-rights violations. Once, out with friends in New York, I had run into Paul as he was showing three Iraqi security officials a night out in the city. If he occupied a place in my imagination, it was an anachronistic one, as a sincere foot soldier of the American empire.

The news of his resignation left me with a slightly dissonant feeling: If all of official Washington was behind Biden’s Israel policy, why was this the guy who wasn’t? In Paul’s resignation letter, he had alluded to the ethical complexities of arms-transfer work at the State Department: “In my 11 years I have made more moral compromises than I can recall, each heavily.” I reached out and, a few hours later, received a message from him on Signal: “Funny old world, isn’t it?” Two weeks ago, I went down to Washington to meet him, and to try to gauge whether the rest of us, as Americans, should feel as implicated by the war as he did.

When I met Paul, at an outdoor café in Friendship Heights, he didn’t seem much cut loose from his former life. He was wearing a suit, and his demeanor was warm but not exactly relaxed. Texts and phone calls came from think tanks and university departments hoping to schedule events. He was still in a fight over bombs that were already being dropped. The day before, Paul said, he’d been to Capitol Hill for meetings and had stumbled upon a peace protest in a member’s office. Then he’d headed over to his old haunt at the State Department, where pro-Palestine activists were protesting. “It was going on literally outside my old window,” he said. “So I knew that all my former colleagues were listening.” At one point, the demonstrators chanted, “Quit! Your! Jobs!”

There was a generational arc to Paul’s experience. Most of our high-school classmates graduated from college in 2000. Paul earned a master’s degree at Georgetown, in national-security studies, and managed to get a job, via the Bush White House, with the Coalition Provisional Authority in Baghdad. “At the time, I would have said I was an adult, but looking back I was just an excited kid,” he said. Paul arrived in March, 2004, two weeks before the start of the First Battle of Fallujah. His assignment was to serve as a civilian adviser to the Iraqi Interior Ministry as it trained security forces. For a time, he flew twice a week from Baghdad to Fallujah to encourage the Marines, the Iraqi police, and the tribes to work together. “How did that go?” I asked. Paul said, “I mean, my immediate counterpart in the Iraqi Ministry of the Interior was assassinated.”

The U.S. had helped create a unit called the Iraqi police commandos, which eventually became the Iraqi Special Police, with the intent of taking over some of the missions of U.S. Special Forces as they transitioned out. “It very quickly was taken over by former regime Baathists, who the U.S. was very closely allied with and was embedding Special Forces advisers with, but who were committing torture, and all sorts of human-rights abuses, and extrajudicial killings,” Paul said. “But the American view was it was all right because these were our guys.” Seeing how that played out, he went on, “was something that made me very uneasy.”

Elsewhere in the region, efforts to build a Palestinian state under the principles of the Oslo Accords were under way. Paul, who had written his master’s thesis on Israeli counterterrorism, spent a year in Ramallah, working on an initiative to bolster Palestinian security forces based on the premise that “if we give Israel more security, then they will make concessions for peace.” The Israeli argument, Paul went on, was that what was holding the Palestinians back was a lack of prosperity, “and if we can open some trade routes then things would flourish.” But, in Ramallah, Paul came to doubt that this was the case. “Even with the privileges of being a Westerner there, with a government pass, able to go through the checkpoints, when you see the humiliations that Palestinians go through every day, you see how impossible it is.” There might be two towns right next to each other, tied by family, but there was no direct road to get from one to the other “because the road is now for settlers only.” Water was diverted; Palestinians with dry farms could look up at hilltops and see developments with swimming pools. Members of the Israel Defense Forces sometimes staged security raids in Palestinian communities. “The Israeli military took us on a tour of a neighborhood in Jenin, and they said, ‘It’s very dangerous, every time we come here, they shoot at us,’ ” Paul recalled. “ Well, have you tried not going? ”

Something about the way Paul said this—the sarcasm, as if it were all self-evident—reminded me of his adolescent self. He seemed to pull back, too. He had a tight line to walk—to sound not like he was making an a-priori ideological case for peace, as an activist might, but like his skepticism of supplying the Israeli military reflected the hard-won experience of the national-security state. Sometimes, when he spoke about Israel, I detected a political self-consciousness in the phrasing. “The Israeli story is an absolutely amazing one,” he said at one point, sounding a bit like an ambassador at a ribbon-cutting, “how it has transformed itself technologically and economically in seventy-five years.” At another point, he paused while mentioning the “horrors” of the Hamas attack, looked at my recorder, and said, “which of course I condemn.” He added, “One shouldn’t have to say that, but one does.”

The year in Ramallah had left him with the impression that security and prosperity for peace was an impossible proposition, because you could not have any of those things amid an occupation. “You cannot bomb the resistance out of the Palestinian people,” Paul said. “You can contain them, as Israel has done for a long time. But, if ultimately that is the path you take, it will not lead to security for the Israeli people.” Because, he went on, “if you bomb them continuously, and traumatize them continuously, and restrict them from leaving the land, and refuse them medical care, and control their electricity and water, they will hate you. In addition to my concern for Palestinian lives, my concern was and remains that Israel is not doing itself any favors here. That it is extending the trauma of the conflict to another generation of its own people.”

The question of exactly how much the United States is implicated in the crimes or excesses of its allies is present in much of foreign policy, but perhaps nowhere is it as tangible as within the three-hundred-and-fifty-person Political-Military Bureau of the State Department. Many of its officials are affiliated with the military. “This is not an office that attracts a lot of hippies,” a former State Department official told me. In 2012, Paul joined P.M. as its director of congressional and public affairs, a position he held until his resignation, which meant that his job was to help manage relations with Capitol Hill and public messaging about decisions to send deadly weapons systems to sometimes questionable regimes. He was also involved in the approval process for major weapons sales. The laws and policies governing such arms deals require scrutiny of the human-rights records of the governments, militaries, and units receiving weapons, meaning that Paul was often immersed in debates over the humanitarian consequences of sending so many bombs, or so many aircraft, to a particular ally or partner. It was a good place to see exactly what alliance required.

Paul joined P.M., he told me, because he thought the United States was, relative to its competitors, a positive force in the world, and that arms transfers could be a way to save civilian lives and protect democracies. (Israel’s Iron Dome anti-missile system, Paul said, is an example of the good version of such military aid, since it is used to protect the lives of Israeli civilians.) He also came to believe that he could exercise some moral influence over the use of such weaponry. The longest debate of Paul’s tenure at P.M. was over the decision (made first by the Obama Administration, and extended under President Trump) to arm Saudi Arabia during its campaign against pro-Iranian Houthi militias in Yemen. For nearly a decade, the State Department’s attention to the consequences of this decision were, Paul said, “microscopic.” Charts would be made estimating the number of civilian casualties each month and then there would be lengthy debates—were the Saudis killing more innocent Yemenis, or fewer? The U.S. government sent a senior adviser, Larry Lewis , out into the field to help the Saudis with their targeting and with the rules of engagement. “There was a long debate about how far into Saudi and Saudi-coalition military processes can we get without actually implicating ourselves,” Paul told me. He had been part of an internal push to get the U.S. to further restrain the Saudi military, and felt that these efforts had helped preserve the lives of Yemeni civilians. But, when I asked Paul whether he felt that the U.S. had got the balance of interests and humanitarian aims more or less right in Yemen, he said, “No, we got it very wrong.”

During the two years before Hamas’s act of mass murder, the world of arms transfers had been preoccupied with weapons for Ukraine . One of the most divisive issues at the State Department was whether the U.S. should supply Kyiv with cluster munitions, which, because of the high rate of civilian casualties associated with them, have been banned by a number of U.S. allies. In the end, Paul supported sending them, a decision that the Biden Administration eventually arrived at, too. Paul said, “Having made all these arms transfers and having made the ultimate decision that ‘Hey, these aren’t always bad,’ one of the differences I have with the left is that the perfect should not be the enemy of the good.”

Paul was overseas on personal leave in the immediate aftermath of October 7th, but it was obvious to him that the U.S. would be transferring arms to Israel after the attack. Many of those transfers, Paul knew, would happen almost instantly. For decades, the United States has maintained a vast weapons stockpile in Israel, which the I.D.F. can draw from if Washington authorizes it. (In the first days after Hamas’s attack, that authorization process was already under way.)

Paul noticed some aspects of the diplomatic situation that should have raised alarms back in P.M., among them the suggestion by Israeli leaders that Palestinian civilians were implicated in the Hamas attacks. On October 13th, Israel’s President, Isaac Herzog, said, “It’s an entire nation out there that is responsible. It’s not true—this rhetoric about civilians not aware, not involved—it’s absolutely not true.” Israel is a technologically advanced country with a well-resourced military; it has, as Paul put it, “a lot of bombs.” But the difference made by American support, he went on, was the difference between a vast but limited lethal capacity and a functionally unlimited one. “There would come a point without American support where Israel would have to say, ‘Well, we need to be more selective.’ If they are resource-unlimited, then they might say, ‘Well, we might miss the Hamas guy here, and there might be twenty dead civilians. But it’s worth a shot anyway, in case he’s there, because there are enough bombs to do it.’ ”

Before he even got back to Washington, Paul began to draft his letter of resignation. But he also thought there was a chance that, beneath Biden’s promises of military aid, some bureaucratic checks—against human-rights violations and against the killing of civilians—were under way. “A very simple thing that would have made a difference for me is, you know, knowing that there are units in the Israeli security forces that are of concern because of their track record of extrajudicial killings, seeing that some effort was being made not to give them more weapons,” Paul said. “That was not the case. In fact, where there had been debate, there was now no longer debate. It was, ‘Let’s give them weapons. It doesn’t matter.’ ” Both he and the State Department’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor raised concerns about the lack of review of these arms transfers to certain Israeli units, Paul said. What they wanted, he went on, was to see “some space for, ‘O.K., we still have these values. We still have these concerns, they haven’t gone away.’ But there was none of that. It was, ‘Open doors. Go.’ ”

Paul had spent the four years of the Trump Administration with a letter of resignation pre-written and tucked inside his desk, prepared for the worst. He never saw enough reason to submit it. When Biden was elected, he had been relieved: Biden’s foreign-policy advisers emphasized human rights, and his campaign proposals included some initiatives, among them further restrictions on the overseas transfers of guns, that Paul believed in. Many of Biden’s senior aides, from the national-security adviser Jake Sullivan on down, were only a bit older than us, and their formative experiences were also of the post-9/11 war on terror and its excesses and errors. But Paul thought that he and they had taken slightly different lessons from watching the same bad wars. “It’s interesting,” he said. “There’s not a lot of people on the civilian side of government in this Administration who were in Iraq and Afghanistan, because it’s a Democratic Administration and those were Bush wars.”

The war in Israel and Gaza is now, in part, Biden’s. A week after Paul and I had met in Washington, I wrote back to him to see what he made of it. Israel’s promised ground invasion of Gaza had not yet begun in full, but the devastation was immeasurable, and, in a week when the grimmest news was an Israeli air strike on the Jabalia refugee camp , many Palestinian civilians had already been killed. When he wrote back, he sounded both attuned to the bleakness of the situation in Israel and Gaza, and frustrated at how little the U.S. seemed to be doing to alleviate it. “We wasted thirty years in which we could have remade the world,” Paul wrote. “Where once we were guided by hope we let ourselves be overtaken by fear. I think that’s the legacy of the Great War on Terror—a nation whose greatest fear is not terrorism, per se, but rather that it may succumb to a destiny it did not choose.”

Americans are fond of talking about the Israel-Palestine conflict as if it were stuck in a permanent historical loop, but maybe the U.S. is stuck in a twentieth-century loop, too. “I feel increasingly like we are making the same mistakes,” Paul said. ♦

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Paul McCartney Announces Dates For 2022 ‘Got Back’ Tour

Macca's hitting the road for his first live shows since 2019.

By Gil Kaufman

Gil Kaufman

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Sir Paul McCartney is hitting the road for his first live shows since 2019. The pop icon announced dates for his 2022 “Got Back” arena/stadium tour on Friday (Feb. 18), which is slated to kick off on April 28 at Spokane Arena in Spokane, Washington, his first-ever show in that city.

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The 13-city, 14-date outing will also find the Rock and Roll Hall of Famer playing East Rutherford, New Jersey’s MetLife Stadium for the first time since 2016. “I said at the end of the last tour that I’d see you next time. I said I was going to get back to you. Well, I got back!,” the indefatigable 79-year-old said in a statement.

Olivia Rodrigo Unveils Pensive 'Can't Catch Me Now' Music Video

The tour will mark some other firsts and landmarks for Macca, who will make his live debut in three cities — Hollywood (FL), Knoxville (TN) and Winston-Salem (NC) — as well as his first gigs in Fort Worth, Texas and Baltimore, Maryland since 1976 with Wings and 1964 with the Beatles, respectively; he’ll also play in Oakland for the first time in 20 years.

Tickets for the tour will go on sale to the general public beginning Feb. 25 at 10 a.m. local time, with American Express card members invited to get in early on Tuesday (Feb. 22) at 10 a.m. local time through Thursday (Feb. 24) at 10 p.m. local time. The Got Back dates are McCartney’s first run of live shows since his 39-date, 12-country Freshen Up tour wrapped up in July 2019.

Check out the dates for the Got Back tour below.

April 28 – Spokane, WA @  Spokane Arena May 2 – Seattle, WA @ Climate Pledge Arena May 3 – Seattle, WA @ Climate Pledge Arena May 6 – Oakland, CA @ Oakland Arena May 13 – Los Angeles, CA @ SoFi Stadium May 17 – Fort Worth, TX @ Dickies Arena May 21 – Winston Salem, NC @ Truist Field May 25 – Hollywood, FL @ Hard Rock Live May 28 – Orlando, FL @ Camping World Stadium May 31 – Knoxville, TN @ Thompson-Boling Arena June 4 – Syracuse, NY @ Carrier Dome June 7 – Boston, MA @ Fenway Park June 12 – Baltimore, MD @ Oriole Park June 16 – East Rutherford, NJ @ MetLife Stadium

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